http://hdl.handle.net/10197/1954 Sat, 25 May 2013 14:56:45 GMT 2013-05-25T14:56:45Z http://hdl.handle.net/10197/4287 Utilitarianism and Secondary Principles Baker, John Fri, 01 Jan 1971 00:00:00 GMT http://hdl.handle.net/10197/4287 1971-01-01T00:00:00Z http://hdl.handle.net/10197/4276 Playing the Language Game Game Baker, John Sun, 01 Mar 1981 00:00:00 GMT http://hdl.handle.net/10197/4276 1981-03-01T00:00:00Z http://hdl.handle.net/10197/4272 Mills Captivating Proof and the Foundations of Ethics Baker, John Tue, 01 Jan 1980 00:00:00 GMT http://hdl.handle.net/10197/4272 1980-01-01T00:00:00Z http://hdl.handle.net/10197/3888 The situation concerning homophobia and discrimination on grounds of sexual orientation in Ireland Walsh, Judy; Conlon, Catherine Sun, 01 Mar 2009 00:00:00 GMT http://hdl.handle.net/10197/3888 2009-03-01T00:00:00Z http://hdl.handle.net/10197/3876 Your Arguments for Equality Baker, John Sat, 01 Dec 1990 00:00:00 GMT http://hdl.handle.net/10197/3876 1990-12-01T00:00:00Z http://hdl.handle.net/10197/3864 The 'Modern' Migrant Man Vasquez del Aguila, Ernesto Sun, 01 Apr 2012 00:00:00 GMT http://hdl.handle.net/10197/3864 2012-04-01T00:00:00Z http://hdl.handle.net/10197/3856 Philosophy and the Morality of Abortion Baker, John Abortion is a philosophically interesting issue because both sides seem so certain of their conclusions, yet the issue is at the same time clearly a derivative one. It is also highly political, and needs to be seen within the context of the growth of the women's movement. A philosophical overview of the issue in section 1 construes the central claims of the pro-choice and anti-abortion positions as moral and conceptual constructions, which extend everyday moral thinking into the area of abortion. It notes the interesting relation between such constructions and other arguments about abortion, and how this is responsible for their social and historical specificity. Section 2 defends the pro-choice position as a victory of moral sensitivity over linguistic guile. Section 3 situates the argument within the politics of feminism, and recognises the limited contribution which philosophy is able to make. Tue, 01 Oct 1985 00:00:00 GMT http://hdl.handle.net/10197/3856 1985-10-01T00:00:00Z http://hdl.handle.net/10197/3851 Rights-Based Approaches to Food Poverty in Ireland O'Connor, Deirdre; Cantillon, Sara; Walsh, Judy In Ireland food poverty has emerged as an increasingly important issue on the social policy agenda. The reasons for this include the changing understanding of the nature of food poverty, its causes, dimensions and the development of solutions, as well as a growing awareness that food remains a central dimension of people’s experience of poverty even within industrialised countries. Alongside these developments there is a growing interest in the role of rights-based approaches to poverty alleviation generally and specifically to the issue of food poverty. This paper begins by mapping the main contours of the international human rights system and academic literature in order to ground food poverty within the overarching political and legal framework. In view of the fact that food poverty is central to people’s experience of poverty, it is necessary to review the conceptual literature on poverty generally and to identify the primary state-level mechanisms associated with poverty alleviation. More specifically, this study also identifies the key concepts, actors and interventions that pertain to food poverty in Ireland. This is followed by a summary of the discussion and analysis generated from a one-day workshop which took place in Dublin in March 2008, at which various stakeholders explored the potential of using rights-based approaches to food poverty in Ireland. The paper concludes that rights-based approaches have not featured prominently in interventions to address issues of poverty in general, or food poverty specifically, and activists and practitioners working in the arena of food poverty point to significant challenges in progressing this approach. Institutional resistance to the adoption of a rights-based approach is a significant factor, as is the primacy of private sector interests who are the ‘gatekeepers’ of the contemporary food system. At the same time, insights from the work of human rights organisations who work on food and those who use the approach in other settings suggest that it is a promising avenue to explore. Of particular significance is its potential to address issues of power relations between marginalised groups and policy-makers and to locate local issues and responses within a framework of international human rights law. Mon, 01 Dec 2008 00:00:00 GMT http://hdl.handle.net/10197/3851 2008-12-01T00:00:00Z http://hdl.handle.net/10197/3850 Equality for all Families De Londras, Fiona; Power, Conor; Reidy, Aisling; Walsh, Judy; Ward, Tanya Walsh, Judy This report was co-authored by the members of the ICCL Working Group on Partnership Rights and Family Diversity. Sat, 01 Apr 2006 00:00:00 GMT http://hdl.handle.net/10197/3850 2006-04-01T00:00:00Z http://hdl.handle.net/10197/3733 Reflections on the limits of argument Baker, John It is common knowledge that people’s beliefs are determined by many factors – having a good argument is only one of them. What are the implications of this fact for egalitarian political theorists who hope to contribute to social change? I argue that our arguments may do more to strengthen the confidence of our allies than to change the opinions of our opponents. Sat, 01 Jan 2011 00:00:00 GMT http://hdl.handle.net/10197/3733 2011-01-01T00:00:00Z http://hdl.handle.net/10197/3600 An egalitarian case for basic income Baker, John In section 1, I set out a general perspective on the nature of egalitarianism and relate it to some familiar conceptions of economic equality. In section 2, I argue in keeping with the popular notion of equality that it makes sense to think of equal income as a baseline against which departures need to be justified. Section 3 discusses some problems which arise concerning departures from equal income justified by different needs, and argues for a particular approach based on what I shall call a 'background agreement' on need. Section 4 looks at the issue of relating income to work, and tries to construct and defend an interpretation of the idea that income inequalities should compensate people for differences in their work. I argue for a system of 'compensating differentials' based on a background agreement regarding the benefits and burdens of different kinds and amounts of work. Section 5 considers the principles of free choice of occupation and of the right not to work, with particular reference to their role in a system of compensating differentials. In section 6, I show how the case for a basic income follows from the conception of economic equality I have put forward. Wed, 01 Jan 1992 00:00:00 GMT http://hdl.handle.net/10197/3600 1992-01-01T00:00:00Z http://hdl.handle.net/10197/3200 All things considered, should feminists embrace basic income? Baker, John As a feminist, I am committed to equality of condition between men and women, defined multidimensionally in terms of respect and recognition; resources; love, care and solidarity; power; and working and learning. I concentrate in this comment on equality in the affective system, i.e., the set of social relations that operates to meet people's needs for love, care and solidarity. A central problem for egalitarians is that recognising, valuing and supporting care work risks reinforcing the gendered division of labour, a problem of much wider remit than the issue of basic income. I argue, however, that basic income can be construed as recognising and supporting care work as a form of worthwhile but noncommodifiable activity and that this should be combined with confronting the division of labour culturally and ideologically. I cite recent empirical work on caregivers and care recipients in Ireland in support of my position.; フェミニストの一人として筆者は、尊重と承認、資源、愛・ケアと連帯、権力、仕事と学 習などにかかわる、多次元的な定義における男女間の条件の平等性の問題にかかわってき た。平等主義者にとっての中心的な問題は、ケア作業の承認、評価、支援が労働の性別分 離を助長する恐れがあることである。ベーシックインカム問題以上にかなり広範な課題を 含む問題である。しかし筆者は、ベーシックインカムは、価値がありながら商品化できな い活動としてケア作業を認識し、支援するものとして解釈することができ、ベーシックイ ンカムは、労働の文化的・思想的な分離と対峙することと結合されるべきであると主張す る。アイルランドにおけるケアの提供者と受け手に関する、最近の経験的な研究を引証し つつ論じるものである。 Sat, 01 Jan 2011 00:00:00 GMT http://hdl.handle.net/10197/3200 2011-01-01T00:00:00Z http://hdl.handle.net/10197/2902 Enabling lesbian, gay and bisexual individuals to access their rights under equality law Walsh, Judy; Conlon, Catherine; Fitzpatrick, Barry; Hansson, Ulf Thu, 01 Nov 2007 00:00:00 GMT http://hdl.handle.net/10197/2902 2007-11-01T00:00:00Z http://hdl.handle.net/10197/2894 Lesbianism O'Donnell, Katherine Wed, 01 Jan 2003 00:00:00 GMT http://hdl.handle.net/10197/2894 2003-01-01T00:00:00Z http://hdl.handle.net/10197/2875 The rights of de facto couples Walsh, Judy; Ryan, Fergus (Fergus W.) Mon, 01 May 2006 00:00:00 GMT http://hdl.handle.net/10197/2875 2006-05-01T00:00:00Z http://hdl.handle.net/10197/2862 Liberal equality versus equality of condition : conflicting definitions of equality and their implications for community development Baker, John Thu, 01 Jan 2009 00:00:00 GMT http://hdl.handle.net/10197/2862 2009-01-01T00:00:00Z http://hdl.handle.net/10197/2637 Seamus Deane, Foreign a ffections : essays on Edmund Burke O'Donnell, Katherine Sun, 01 Jan 2006 00:00:00 GMT http://hdl.handle.net/10197/2637 2006-01-01T00:00:00Z http://hdl.handle.net/10197/2587 Violence for equality : lessons from Machiavelli Baker, John Should radical egalitarians operating in contemporary capitalist democracies use political violence to achieve their aims? Purely consequentialist arguments provide too simple an answer. Machiavelli's perspective is more complex because it contains both consequentialist and non-consequentialist elements and because of its emphasis on the strictly political costs and benefits of violence. The radically egalitarian ideal of equality of condition is similarly complex but involves very different values and objectives. These generate both moral and political arguments against violence. However, the threat of counter-revolutionary violence creates a dilemma for radical egalitarians that it is difficult to resolve. Sun, 01 Nov 2009 00:00:00 GMT http://hdl.handle.net/10197/2587 2009-11-01T00:00:00Z http://hdl.handle.net/10197/2575 Investigating equality Lewis, Edward; Baker, John Edward Lewis interviews John Baker. Fri, 17 Sep 2010 00:00:00 GMT http://hdl.handle.net/10197/2575 2010-09-17T00:00:00Z http://hdl.handle.net/10197/2519 Dear Dicky, Dear Dick, Dear Friend, Dear Shackelton : Edmund Burke's love for Richard Shackelton O'Donnell, Katherine Sun, 01 Jan 2006 00:00:00 GMT http://hdl.handle.net/10197/2519 2006-01-01T00:00:00Z http://hdl.handle.net/10197/2512 Burke & the school of Irish oratory O'Donnell, Katherine The eighteenth-century traditions of Gaelic poetry and Trinity College Dublin’s academic focus on classical rhetoric are generally regarded as being two schools of thought that largely independent of each other. However, this article argues that Edmund Burke was one of those individuals who successfully drew from both these traditions in fashioning his own rhetorical practice. Burke had been stepped in Gaelic culture during the childhood years he spent living and being educated among his mother’s family, the Catholic Nagles of Cork’s Blackwater Valley and comparing Burke’s speeches (especially those that are considered original in thought or anomalous in the British canon) with Gaelic language poets we see how closely he drew from this tradition. This essay focuses more on the work of the rhetoricians of Trinity College and how Burke might be seen to have engaged with them in his treatise, A Philosophical Enquiry into the Origin of our Ideas on the Sublime and Beautiful, while noticing that his childhood exposure to Gaelic poetry through living with the Nagles continues to haunt even this most ‘enlightened’ of texts. The article further demonstrates that the Trinity men had theories of rhetoric that might be considered as a distinct school in that they were heavily influenced by each other’s work and were in strong divergence from John Locke’s most influential concepts. Mon, 01 Jan 2007 00:00:00 GMT http://hdl.handle.net/10197/2512 2007-01-01T00:00:00Z http://hdl.handle.net/10197/2493 Equality and social justice : the university as a site of struggle Lynch, Kathleen; Crean, Margaret; Moran, Marie Despite the proclaimed allegiance of most countries to the principles of equality enshrined in the UN Declaration on Human Rights, inequality is a pervasive feature of the global order. Yet, it is important not to be overwhelmed by the scale of global injustice. In every country there is resistance to power and privilege, with people working at many levels to create more equal societies. In this paper we will summarise the reasons why we came to establish Equality Studies in UCD almost 20 years ago as one way of responding to injustices (for a more detailed discussion see Lynch, 1995), and why in 2005, we further institutionalised an academic space for this work by forming a School of Social Justice, and a network of scholars from across the University who are committed to research and teaching in social justice to form the Egalitarian World Initiative (EWI) network www.ewi.ie . We begin by explaining why universities have a particular remit to challenge injustice and why it is important for them to retain that responsibility in a market-led era in higher education. Tue, 01 Dec 2009 00:00:00 GMT http://hdl.handle.net/10197/2493 2009-12-01T00:00:00Z http://hdl.handle.net/10197/2492 Lessons for higher education : the university as a site of activism Lynch, Kathleen Len Barton is acutely aware of the power of the academy to either enhance critical thinking or to depress it. He is a true academic, never accepting the received wisdom or perspective of any given sociological standpoint, no matter how powerful or fashionable it was at the time. He has encouraged and promoted a unique blend of professional and public sociology of education that has left a profound legacy not only in the UK but beyond. While the neo-liberal ideology had hegemonic status for most of his professional life, Len chose to engage in a counter ideological struggle; he created new intellectual spaces in the academy where people could safely dissent from the reigning intellectual orthodoxies. He operated according to the principles of Gramscian thinking by mounting a war of position, in journals, books, teaching, conferences and research, for critical intellectuals. And he encouraged other people to do likewise. This article explores the ways in which Len’s work inspired the establishment of the Equality Studies Centre and the School of Social Justice in UCD. It outlines the lessons learned from Len Barton about higher education and its potential as a site for critical analysis and action. Wed, 01 Sep 2010 00:00:00 GMT http://hdl.handle.net/10197/2492 2010-09-01T00:00:00Z http://hdl.handle.net/10197/2491 Appointing senior managers in education : homosociability, local logics and authenticity in the selection process Grummell, Bernie; Devine, Dympna; Lynch, Kathleen While there is extensive research on educational leadership and management, the selection of leaders has received comparatively little attention. This article examines how educational leadership is constructed through the selection process in the context of a qualitative study of Irish education. It highlights the tensions that can exist for selection board assessors as they try to balance increasing performativity and new managerialist demands with the traditional ethical and moral dimensions of educational leadership. Key concepts of ‘local logics’ and ‘homosociability’ frame the analysis as it is shown how assessors often select ‘safe’ candidates according to familiar qualities. This normalisation is problematic when educational leadership is faced with intense organisational and socio-cultural change. It is also problematic in gender terms, especially in higher education, where the prevailing leadership model is a masculine one. Differences between sectors are evident, with the primary and second level sectors translating criteria to the local logics of the institution and emphasising the personal qualities of candidates. The higher education sectors were more formalised in their application process, highlighting their own ‘local logics’ of strategic and professional management criteria. Fri, 01 May 2009 00:00:00 GMT http://hdl.handle.net/10197/2491 2009-05-01T00:00:00Z http://hdl.handle.net/10197/2490 Neo-liberalism and marketisation : the implications for higher education Lynch, Kathleen The massification of education in European countries over the last 100 years has produced cultures and societies that have benefited greatly from state investment in education. However, to maintain this level of social and economic development that derives from high quality education requires continual Sate investment. With the rise of the new-right, neo-liberal agenda, there is an attempt to offload the cost of education, and indeed other public services such as housing, transport, care services etc., on to the individual. There is an increasing attempt to privatise public services, including education, so that citizens will have to buy them at market value rather than have them provided by the State. This development is recognised by scholars across a range of fields, including those working within bodies such as the World Bank (Angus, 2004; Bullen et al., 2004; Dill, 2003; Lynch and Moran, 2006; Steier, 2003; Stevenson, 1999). Europe is no exception to this trend of neo-liberalisation. Recent OECD reports, including one on Higher Education in Ireland, (2004), concentrate strongly on the role of education in servicing the economy to the neglect of its social and developmental responsibilities. The view that education is simply another market commodity has become normalised in policy and public discourses. Schools run purely as businesses are a growing phenomenon within and without Europe, and there is an increasing expectation in several countries that schools will supplement their income from private sources, even though they are within the State sector. In this paper, I present both a critique of the neo-liberal model of marketised education and a challenge to academics to work as public intellectuals both individually and with civil society organisations to develop a counter-hegemonic discourse to neo-liberalism for higher education. Sun, 01 Jan 2006 00:00:00 GMT http://hdl.handle.net/10197/2490 2006-01-01T00:00:00Z http://hdl.handle.net/10197/2484 Markets, schools and the convertibility of economic capital : the complex dynamics of class choice Lynch, Kathleen; Moran, Marie While economic capital is not synonymous with cultural, social or symbolic capital in either its constitutional or organisational form, it nevertheless remains the more flexible and convertible form of capital. The convertibility of economic capital has particular resonance within ‘Celtic Tiger’ Ireland. The State’s reluctance to fully endorse an internal market between schools has resulted in middle class parents using their private wealth to create an educational market outside State control in the private sector to help secure the class futures of their children. Using data from recent studies of second-level education in Republic of Ireland, and data compiled on the newly emerging ‘grind’ schools (businesses selling educational programmes on a purely commercial basis outside the control of the Department of Education and Science), we outline how the availability of economic capital allows well-off middle class parents to choose fee-paying schooling, or to opt out of the formal school sector entirely to employ market solutions to their class ambitions. The data also show that schools are not passive actors in the class game; they actively collude in the class project to their own survival advantage.Focusing too much on the dynamics of parental choice between schools leads to a neglect of the markets in education being created outside of the school system: the ‘choice’ that exists is no longer simply between schools, but also between schools and private businesses. Focus on parental choice also forecloses debate about the central roles that schools themselves play in perpetuating class inequality. Sat, 01 Apr 2006 00:00:00 GMT http://hdl.handle.net/10197/2484 2006-04-01T00:00:00Z http://hdl.handle.net/10197/2483 Love labour as a distinct and non-commodifiable form of care labour Lynch, Kathleen This paper examines the nature of love labouring and explores how it can be distinguished from other forms of care work. It provides a three fold taxonomy for analysing other-centred work, distinguishing between work required to maintain primary care relations (love labour), secondary care relations (general care work) and tertiary care relations (solidarity work). A central theme of the paper is that primary care relations are not sustainable over time without love labour; that the realization of love, as opposed to the declaration of love, requires work. Drawing on a wide range of theoretical and empirical sources, including a study of caring undertaken by the author, the paper argues that there is mutuality, commitment, trust and responsibility at the heart of love labouring that makes it distinct from general care work and solidarity work. It sets out reasons why it is not possible to commodify the feelings, intentions and commitments of love labourers to supply them on a paid basis. Wed, 01 Aug 2007 00:00:00 GMT http://hdl.handle.net/10197/2483 2007-08-01T00:00:00Z http://hdl.handle.net/10197/2479 Affective inequalities : challenging (re)distributive, recognition and representational models of social justice Lynch, Kathleen This paper examines the significance of care relations for the pursuit of equality and social justice in society. It highlights the importance of affective equality for producing a society governed by principles of deep egalitarianism and equality of condition. This paper builds on research with my colleagues in Equality Studies on the theory of equality (Baker, Lynch, Cantillon and Walsh, 2004, 2009) and on the subject of affective equality in particular (Lynch, Baker and Lyons, 2009). It begins by acknowledging the role of feminist scholars in opening up the affective domain to research. It then briefly defines affective equality and inequality going on to outline the core assumptions underpinning affective egalitarian thinking. From there, it explores the neglect of affective relations in egalitarian theory and outlines a new framework for egalitarian thinking, one that takes account of affective relations and highlights their inter-relationship with other social systems. This is followed by a discussion of the implications of relationality at the heart of affective equality and a short comment on the links between affective relations, ethics and politics. The paper concludes with some comments on why social scientific and political thought needs to change to take account of the affective and the normative in social life. Paper presented at the XVII ISA World Congress of Sociology : sociology on the move, Gothenburg, Sweden, July 11-17th 2010 Thu, 01 Jul 2010 00:00:00 GMT http://hdl.handle.net/10197/2479 2010-07-01T00:00:00Z http://hdl.handle.net/10197/2470 Affective equality : love, care and solidarity as productive forces Lynch, Kathleen Paper presented at the GEXcel Opening Seminar, Research Theme 10 Love in our Time: a Question for Feminism. Orebro University, Sweden May 20th 2010 Sat, 01 May 2010 00:00:00 GMT http://hdl.handle.net/10197/2470 2010-05-01T00:00:00Z http://hdl.handle.net/10197/2469 The gendered order of caring Lynch, Kathleen; Lyons, Maureen Tue, 01 Jan 2008 00:00:00 GMT http://hdl.handle.net/10197/2469 2008-01-01T00:00:00Z http://hdl.handle.net/10197/2468 From a neo-liberal to an egalitarian state : imagining a different future Lynch, Kathleen TASC Annual Lecture, Royal Irish Academy, Dublin, June 17th 2010 Tue, 01 Jun 2010 00:00:00 GMT http://hdl.handle.net/10197/2468 2010-06-01T00:00:00Z http://hdl.handle.net/10197/2467 Gender and education (and employment): gendered imperatives and their implications for women and men : lessons from research for policy makers Lynch, Kathleen; Feeley, Maggie An independent report submitted to the European Commission by the NESSE networks of experts Wed, 01 Jul 2009 00:00:00 GMT http://hdl.handle.net/10197/2467 2009-07-01T00:00:00Z http://hdl.handle.net/10197/2466 Affective equality : who cares? Lynch, Kathleen Human beings are not just economic actors, devoid of relationality; rather, they are interdependent and dependent with a deep capacity for moral feeling and attaching. The presumption that people are mere units of labour, movable from one country to another as production requires, is therefore an institutionalised form of affective injustice. As love, care and solidarity involve work, affective inequalities also occur when the burdens and benefits of these forms of work are unequally distributed. Affective inequality is an acutely gendered problem given the moral imperative on women to care, and an acute problem for all of humanity given that vulnerability and inter/dependency is endemic to the human condition. Tue, 01 Sep 2009 00:00:00 GMT http://hdl.handle.net/10197/2466 2009-09-01T00:00:00Z http://hdl.handle.net/10197/2461 Equality and human rights Baker, John Sat, 01 Jan 2005 00:00:00 GMT http://hdl.handle.net/10197/2461 2005-01-01T00:00:00Z http://hdl.handle.net/10197/2460 Burke and the Aisling : homage of a nation O'Donnell, Katherine Sat, 01 Sep 2007 00:00:00 GMT http://hdl.handle.net/10197/2460 2007-09-01T00:00:00Z http://hdl.handle.net/10197/2459 St Patrick's Day expulsions : race and homophobia in New York's parade O'Donnell, Katherine Mon, 01 Jan 2007 00:00:00 GMT http://hdl.handle.net/10197/2459 2007-01-01T00:00:00Z http://hdl.handle.net/10197/2458 “Whether the white people like it or not ” Edmund Burke’s speeches on India - Caoineadh’s Cáinte 5/120 O'Donnell, Katherine Tue, 01 Jan 2002 00:00:00 GMT http://hdl.handle.net/10197/2458 2002-01-01T00:00:00Z http://hdl.handle.net/10197/2457 'To love the little platoon' : Edmund Burke's Jacobite heritage O'Donnell, Katherine Mon, 01 Jan 2007 00:00:00 GMT http://hdl.handle.net/10197/2457 2007-01-01T00:00:00Z http://hdl.handle.net/10197/2453 The relationship between poverty and inequality Lynch, Kathleen; Baker, John; Cantillon, Sara Paper prepared for the Combat Poverty Agency and the Equality Authority Sun, 01 Oct 2000 00:00:00 GMT http://hdl.handle.net/10197/2453 2000-10-01T00:00:00Z http://hdl.handle.net/10197/2452 Productive stranger : a conversation with Joan Nestle O'Donnell, Katherine Thu, 01 Jan 2009 00:00:00 GMT http://hdl.handle.net/10197/2452 2009-01-01T00:00:00Z http://hdl.handle.net/10197/2451 Edmund Burke's political poetics O'Donnell, Katherine Sun, 01 Feb 2009 00:00:00 GMT http://hdl.handle.net/10197/2451 2009-02-01T00:00:00Z http://hdl.handle.net/10197/2449 The philosophy and politics of equality of condition Baker, John Sat, 01 Jan 2005 00:00:00 GMT http://hdl.handle.net/10197/2449 2005-01-01T00:00:00Z http://hdl.handle.net/10197/2448 Pride and prejudice : legalising compulsory heterosexuality in Boston and New York’s annual St Patrick Day parades Munt, Sally; O'Donnell, Katherine This article discusses the vicious territorial disputes surrounding the tradition of St Patrick’s Day Parades through the city streets of New York and Boston, USA. It documents the legal arguments mounted successfully to exclude Irish lesbian, gay and transgender participants from the march, exploring what ideologies of nation-space and public space underpin them. It argues that the progression through urban space of the marches enforces compulsory heterosexuality, through actual and semiotic exclusion. Irish-American nationalism can be read as illustrative of the heterosexualisation of nationalism. It was the unquestioned assumption that being homosexual is antithetical to being Irish that provided the fundamental premise from which it was logically and successfully argued in the US courts: that the Irish Lesbian and Gay Organization is a violent, obscene enemy bent on the destruction of Irish ethnicity and Irish communities. By contrast, the article holds up the Parades in Cork and Dublin as designated inclusive and multicultural events, the nation-space of the Irish Republic ‘economically liberated’ and wishing to communicate modernity to its citizens. Thu, 01 Feb 2007 00:00:00 GMT http://hdl.handle.net/10197/2448 2007-02-01T00:00:00Z http://hdl.handle.net/10197/2447 Affect and the history of women, gender and masculinity O'Donnell, Katherine This article begins with looking at the disciplines of literary studies and history to discuss how they are distinct yet share a certain overlapping ground. Literary studies’ focus on the subject matter of affect and historians’ focus on verifying facts are rudimentary distinctions between the fields but despite the differences in method and perspective between these disciplines, the boundaries of feminist history and feminist literary studies have intersected to create a shared territory for the field of the history of women, in which the examination of affect is a crucial focus. Romantic passion between women still remains a problematic topic for women’s history but is a fertile area of study in gender history. The article looks at the relatively recent academic endeavour of historicising masculinity, and on the new work, which focuses on understanding the expression and status of emotion in male bonding. The argument is made that these historians of masculinity follow in the footsteps of feminist historical studies of affect and feminist gender history. The essay closes with thought on how this focus on historicising affect, specifically love, commitment, friendship and desire for intimacy has reverberations in contemporary society. Thu, 01 Jan 2009 00:00:00 GMT http://hdl.handle.net/10197/2447 2009-01-01T00:00:00Z http://hdl.handle.net/10197/2355 Equality data issues : the use of data in pursuing equality Barry, Ursula This report explores equality issues arising in the collection and publication of data in Ireland and the ways in which data may be used in equality policies and practices. Mon, 31 Jan 2000 00:00:00 GMT http://hdl.handle.net/10197/2355 2000-01-31T00:00:00Z http://hdl.handle.net/10197/2354 Women, equality and public policy Barry, Ursula This article takes a gender perspective to the analysis of public policy in the late 1990s in Ireland. Thu, 01 Jan 1998 00:00:00 GMT http://hdl.handle.net/10197/2354 1998-01-01T00:00:00Z http://hdl.handle.net/10197/2169 Fair representation and the concept of proportionality Baker, John The idea of proportionality, which compares votes cast to seats won, is a common test of fair representation. But fair representation is a relation between electoral aims and electoral outcomes. The proportionality test falsely presupposes that each voter aims to support a political party. It therefore tells us nothing about fair representation. We need to construct a deeper criterion of fair representation which takes account of citizens' multiple political concerns. Sun, 01 Sep 1996 00:00:00 GMT http://hdl.handle.net/10197/2169 1996-09-01T00:00:00Z http://hdl.handle.net/10197/2086 Equality : putting the theory into action Baker, John; Lynch, Kathleen; Cantillon, Sara; Walsh, Judy We outline our central reasons for pursuing the project of Equality Studies and some of the thinking we have done within an Equality Studies framework. We try to show that a multi-dimensional conceptual framework, applied to a set of key social contexts and articulating the concerns of subordinate social groups, can be a fruitful way of putting the idea of equality into practice. Finally, we address some central questions about how to bring about egalitarian social change. Fri, 01 Dec 2006 00:00:00 GMT http://hdl.handle.net/10197/2086 2006-12-01T00:00:00Z http://hdl.handle.net/10197/2085 What is participatory democracy? Baker, John Wed, 01 Jan 1997 00:00:00 GMT http://hdl.handle.net/10197/2085 1997-01-01T00:00:00Z http://hdl.handle.net/10197/2057 Election of Green Party Cathaoirleach, 2007 Baker, John In the autumn of 2007 the Green Party elected a new Cathaoirleach (Chairperson) by means of a ballot of all of its members. What made the election especially interesting to students of politics is that it took place using a voting system that is rarely used in real political systems, the Borda Count. Because the Green Party was willing to make the full set of electoral data available for analysis, it was possible not just to review the actual result but to consider what the result would have been under alternative voting systems and to investigate some theoretically relevant counterfactual scenarios. In this report, I set out the background and outcome of the election and then use the full set of data to comment on its relevance to some theoretical debates about voting. Mon, 01 Sep 2008 00:00:00 GMT http://hdl.handle.net/10197/2057 2008-09-01T00:00:00Z