http://hdl.handle.net/10197/2109 2013-05-21T15:57:25Z http://hdl.handle.net/10197/2418 The Church of Ireland and the native Irish population in plantation Ulster Ó hAnnracháin, Tadhg This largely historiographical paper examines the initial inclusion of native Gaelic clergy in the plantation church in Ulster and their gradual disappearance over the course the next twenty-five years. This was a highly significant development for it meant that the Ulster church took on a markedly Anglo-centric profile and religion, rather than functioning as a potential bridge between the indigenous and immigrant communities, instead was to become one of the most potent markers of division and hostility between natives and newcomers. Paper presented at the conference 'Protestant Traditions and the Paths to Peace: Beyond the Legacies of Plantation', Global Irish Institute, University College, Dublin, 9 June 2009 2010-01-01T00:00:00Z http://hdl.handle.net/10197/2417 The future of the North-South bodies Coakley, John The North-South bodies established in 1999 represent the third attempt since partition to establish a structured, formal basis for cooperation between the two parts of the island. This paper looks at the bodies from three perspectives. First, it examines the general historical background: the prehistory of Irish partition, the development of partition up to 1998, and the new system agreed at that point. Second, it provides a brief overview of the present arrangements for the North-South bodies. Third, it seeks to generalise about the future prospects of the bodies by examining the presumed long-term goals and priorities of the British and Irish governments and of the Northern Irish parties. Paper presented at the conference on “Implementing the agreement: the North-South bodies five years on” organised by the Institute for British-Irish Studies as part of the Mapping frontiers, plotting pathways programme, University Industry Centre, University College Dublin, 27 May 2005 2005-01-01T00:00:00Z http://hdl.handle.net/10197/2416 Women and the transition from conflict in Northern Ireland : lessons for peace-building in Israel/Palestine Byrne, Siobhan When we take the experiences of women seriously, the lessons that we can draw from the Northern Ireland peace process for future peace tracks in the Middle East are not necessarily the same lessons that are highlighted in popular comparisons of the conflicts in the press, by politicians and in the conflict resolution literature. Some of the challenges that Northern Ireland, in general, and feminist peace activists, more specifically, have faced in the post-conflict period may also surface in a future post-conflict period for Israel and in a new Palestinian state, given the similar actors involved and elite model of conflict resolution that is preferred there, as elsewhere. In this paper, I argue that the successful inclusion of women in the Northern Ireland peace process and the world class commitments to human rights and equality enshrined in the final peace deal have all been important (but often ignored) elements of the peace in Northern Ireland. As well, the conservatism in the post-Agreement period in Northern Ireland, which has thwarted some of the efforts to advance important social policy issues, along with the poor representation of women in Northern Ireland’s new political institutions more than a decade after the peace agreement was signed are similarly unlikely to inform prescriptions for Middle East peace. In my view, the experiences of women, who are located largely within the informal sector, can offer important insight into how we come to understand and define security and also how we come to assess the kinds of changes that will improve security for “ordinary citizens” in a post-conflict period. Paper presented at the conference “The Impact of Devolution on Everyday Life: 1999-2009”, Newman House, Dublin, 6 February 2009. 2009-01-01T00:00:00Z http://hdl.handle.net/10197/2415 One state or two? Anticipating opportunities for and obstacles to identity shift Todd, Jennifer 2009-01-01T00:00:00Z http://hdl.handle.net/10197/2414 Local belonging, identities and sense of place in contemporary Ireland Inglis, Tom What importance does identity with place have in the ongoing construction and redevelopment of personal and social identities? This paper follows on from recent research which suggests that in an increasingly geographically mobile and globalised societies like Ireland, a sense of place is still a strong marker of identity and central to people’s knowledge and understanding of themselves and others. Combining findings quantitative findings from the International Social Survey Project with qualitative findings from a qualitative study of Contemporary Irish Identities, I show that not only is identity with place of living still very strong, but that it is deep and complex and enmeshed with a sense of belonging to the place where people grew up, the wider county and the nation. 2009-01-01T00:00:00Z http://hdl.handle.net/10197/2413 From conflict to consensus : the legacy of the Good Friday Agreement the British-Irish and European Contexts Meehan, Elizabeth M. Since the EU is relevant to the Good Friday Agreement as a whole, the paper starts by touching upon how it both facilitated the Agreement and, yet, also hindered Strand 2 (North-South relations). Strand 3 (the British-Irish context) was itself a means of overcoming obstacles in the other strands. It involved few major obstacles but the paper outlines those that there were. It discusses the British Irish Inter-Governmental Conference and the British Irish Council. It also discusses two networks that are not part of the Agreement but are part of east-west relations: the Joint Ministerial Committee system and the British Irish Inter-Parliamentary Body. In conclusion, the paper sets the Agreement in the context of the overall programme of devolution in the UK. It is argued that this, combined with the displacement of the UUP by the DUP, could either problematize Strand 3 or enhance its significance for Northern Ireland and in overall east-west relations. Paper presented at the conference “From Conflict to Consensus: The Legacy of the Good Friday Agreement”, Institute for British-Irish Studies, University College, Dublin, 3 April 2008 2009-01-01T00:00:00Z http://hdl.handle.net/10197/2411 Dublin opinions : Dublin newspapers and the crisis of the fifties Garvin, Tom Dublin journalism was well served by three national newspapers and a coterie of weeklies and irregular publications during the period 1948-1962. In this paper, the different 'takes' on the perceived crisis in the Irish economy and polity of the mid-fifties are analysed. It is concluded that the Irish Independent and the Irish Times adhered to almost identical positions of agrarian fundamentalism until very late on during this crucial decade in Ireland's political and economic development. It is also argued that the case for non-farm employment as Ireland's true future was most consistently and energetically made by the Irish Press, essentially the mouthpiece of Sean Lemass, Minister for Industry and Commerce from 1945 to 1948, 1951 to 1954, 1957 to 1959 and Taoiseach thereafter. The awareness that Ireland had to diversify economically was behind the foundation in 1949-50 of the Industrial Development Authority under the auspices of Daniel Morrissey of Fine Gael. All major parties were deeply divided on the issue of economic development. It is also concluded that the sense of a real social and cultural crisis was intense at the time, and the awareness that an old Ireland had to die that a new one might be born was strong. Keynote paper at the conference 'Politics, Economy and Society: Irish Developmentalism, 1958-2008', held at University College Dublin on 12 March 2009 2009-01-01T00:00:00Z http://hdl.handle.net/10197/2410 Analysing the development of bipartisanship in the Dáil : the interaction of Fine Gael and Fianna Fáil party politics on the Irish government policy on Northern Ireland McDermott, Susan This paper analyses the relationship between the two main parties in the Irish party system when dealing with the Northern Ireland question. Taking the Sunningdale Communiqué as a starting point, the paper argues that while aspirations for bipartisanship in the Dáil on this issue existed within the leadership of both parties at various times during the conflict, that the difference in approach and fundamental difference in ideology of party leaders meant that bipartisanship was not achieved until consensus on key issues was reached in the mid-1990s. This paper argues that analysing whether bipartisanship existed at various points in the conflict relates to the understanding of the role of the Irish party politics on the British-Irish relationship and the development of the peace process. This paper was written as part of the Breaking the patterns of conflict project being undertaken in the Institute for British-Irish Studies, UCD. The study of Irish party politics and the role of bipartisanship aims to fit into this wider project, which examines the determinants on the changing British-Irish relationship. Prepared for presentation at the annual meeting of the Specialist Group on British and Comparative Territorial Politics of the Political Studies Association of the United Kingdom, University of Oxford, 7-8 January 2010 2009-01-01T00:00:00Z http://hdl.handle.net/10197/2409 A political profile of Protestant minorities in Europe Coakley, John This paper uses a large volume of data—in particular, surveys—to explore the character of Protestant identity in contemporary European states. It distinguishes three contexts. First, in the Nordic and certain adjacent states, the dominance of Protestantism was complete, but more recent secularisation has provoked a reaction from Christian parties which enjoy strong support from active Protestants. Second, in certain states which in the past were predominantly Protestant, and where the ethos of the state was aggressively so, a significant Catholic minority was counter-mobilised politically; but as the dominant state-building parties became increasingly secular, committed Protestants reacted in different ways, including the formation of splinter parties (as in the Netherlands and Switzerland) or working within the traditional parties (as in Great Britain and Germany). Third, in a few states there has traditionally been a small Protestant minority which has played a significant role in national development, but in these cases (mainly successor states to the Habsburg monarchy) decades of communist rule have largely obliterated what might have been distinctive patterns of political behaviour. The paper explores variation in group identity patterns and in attitudes towards the state in those cases for which appropriate survey data are available, and devotes particular attention to the position within the United Kingdom, where religion has played a prominent role in the state- and nation-building process. 2009-01-01T00:00:00Z http://hdl.handle.net/10197/2405 The impact of devolution on everyday life : 1999-2009 Quigley, George; Kennedy, Tony; Mansergh, Martin Opening Address by Sir George Quigle. Has Devolution Delivered a Shared Society in Northern Ireland by Tony Kennedy: This paper will look at what has been achieved at the Government level and compare this with progress at the community level, citing Lederach's pyramid as an illustration of the need for interaction. Closing Address by Martin Mansergh, TD. Paper presented at the conference “The Impact of Devolution on Everyday Life: 1999-2009”, Newman House, Dublin, February,6, 2009 2009-01-01T00:00:00Z http://hdl.handle.net/10197/2396 The curious case of socio-economic rights (preventing the rational? socio-economic rights and the phenomenon of blaming the victim, Irish style) Murray, Thomas P. (Thomas Patrick) This paper examines the influence of political culture upon constitutional reasoning and deliberation, specifically with regard to answering the question : why have socioeconomic rights not received a more effective protection in the Irish Constitution? Beyond the flotsam and jetsam of crusades and campaigns, I suggest, the politics of the Irish Constitution were and remain, intellectual, moral and ontological. What follows therefore represents a considered defence of this position, primarily with a view to demonstrating the need for a politico-sociological examination of the constitution's development. Drawing on the classic account of constitutional change, namely Basil Chubb's The Politics of the Irish Constitution (1991), I question the conventionally static depiction of the constitution's relationship to social justice concerns. Subsequently, I present an alternative way of approaching this relationship provided by Steven Lukes and HLA Hart, an approach that calls our attention to the underlying battle of ideas concerning justice, morality and the source of human rights. Finally, in light of this approach, I re-evaluate just one of the contributions to the debate on constitutional reform, namely Vincent Grogan's 'The Constitution and the Natural Law'. In demonstrating the implicit assumptions of Grogan's thesis, this paper aims to make clear the potential of this ideational perspective for opening conventional analysis to significant reconsideration. An early draft of this paper was presented at the conference “Politics, Economy and Society: Irish Developmentalism, 1958-2008”, Institute for British-Irish Studies, University College Dublin, 12 March 2009. Subsequent presentations include those made to the International Society of Political Psychology (Trinity College Dublin, 17 July 2009) and the European Consortium on Political Research (University of Potsdam, 12 September 2009). 2009-01-01T00:00:00Z http://hdl.handle.net/10197/2395 Does being protestant matter? Protestants, minorities and the re-making of religious identity after the Good Friday Agreement Todd, Jennifer; Rougier, Nathalie; O'Keefe, Theresa; Cañás Bottos, Lorenzo The Good Friday Agreement of 1998 gave an opportunity to remake not just political institutions but ethno-religious distinction in Northern Ireland. This paper looks at the how individuals reconstruct their way of being Protestant in Ireland and Northern Ireland in the context of social and political change. It shows individuals renegotiating their ways of being Protestant, attempting sometimes successfully to change its socio-cultural salience, blurring ethnic boundaries, distinguishing religious and ethno-national narratives, drawing universalistic political norms from their particular religious tradition. It argues that these renegotiations are highly sensitive to the macro-political context. Changes in this context affect individuals through their changing cognitive understandings and strategic interests which, at least in this case, are as important to identification as are social solidarities. 2009-01-01T00:00:00Z http://hdl.handle.net/10197/2394 The Sunningdale Communiqué, 1973, and bipartisanship in the Republic of Ireland O'Donnell, Catherine This paper examines the political debates in the Republic of Ireland surrounding the publication of the Sunningdale communiqué in December 1973. It highlights the level of division that existed at that time on issues related to the communiqué and Northern Ireland generally between the government parties, Fine Gael and Labour, and Fianna Fáil. It demonstrates the limited nature of bipartisanship towards Northern Ireland at that time despite statements to the contrary. Paper presented at the conference “Assessing the Sunningdale Agreement”, Institute for British-Irish Studies, University College, Dublin, June, 15, 2006 2007-01-01T00:00:00Z http://hdl.handle.net/10197/2393 Protestant minorities in European states and nations Ruane, Joseph; Todd, Jennifer Europe’s traditional ethnic minorities and the conflicts over their place in the state and nation are the focus of continuing comparative research. In contrast, little attention is paid to Europe’s older religious conflicts, in particular those that stem from the reformation. Yet for long religiously informed conflict was the principal source of internal state division and the major perceived threat to state stability and security. This paper looks at the institutional changes and cultural renegotiations which allowed traditional religious oppositions, rivalries and conflicts to fade in most contemporary European societies. It concludes that neither modernisation, democratisation nor secularisation were enough to resolve deep-set tensions. The long-term resolutions involved a restructuring of polity and nation in a way consistent with minority, as well as majority culture. In the past – as perhaps also in the present - such opportunities were rare and demanded choice, strategy and political fortune. 2009-01-01T00:00:00Z http://hdl.handle.net/10197/2392 The impact of devolution on everyday life, 1999-2009 : the case of crossborder commerce Gough, Aidan; Magennis, Eoin This paper examines the impact of cross-border cooperation on everyday life in an era of devolution since 1999. The argument is made that the island of Ireland has moved from the process of fracture and friction that Conor Brady memorably described for the period after 1920 into a more cooperative relationship between North and South. The paper details the work of the North-South institutions since 1999 with a particular emphasis on the work of InterTradeIreland. At the everyday level it draws on statistical sources to reflect on developments within areas such as cross-border tourism, trade and student flows. In each it can be seen as a case of “some work done, more to do”. Paper presented at the conference, “The Impact of Devolution on Everyday Life: 1999-2009”, Newman House, Dublin, 6 February 2009 2009-01-01T00:00:00Z http://hdl.handle.net/10197/2391 The flexibility of Northern Ireland Unionists and Afrikaner Nationalists in comparative perspective Guelke, Adrian A common feature of comparisons of Northern Ireland and South Africa prior to South Africa's transition and the Northern Ireland peace process was the siege mentality of the dominant communities in the two societies. The paper examines two attempts to analyse this in greater depth that were published before the major changes of the 1990s: Michael McDonald's Children of Wrath and Donald Akenson's God's Peoples. It reviews their arguments in the light of the current situation in both Northern Ireland and South Africa. Consideration is then given to how the discourse on the character of both communities changed in the course of the 1990s and to the comparisons that changing circumstances gave rise to, while a striking instance of the recent use of the older comparison of the Unionists and Afrikaner nationalists is noted and discussed. The paper concludes by asking whether the notion of a siege mentality still has any current applicability in these two cases Paper presented at the conference 'Protestant Traditions and the Paths to Peace: Beyond the Legacies of Plantation', Global Irish Institute, University College, Dublin, 9 June 2009 2010-01-01T00:00:00Z http://hdl.handle.net/10197/2390 The establishment of the North/South ministerial council and the North-South bodies O'Connor, Tim This paper sets out the background to the new North-South institutional architecture contained in the Belfast/Good Friday Agreement—the negotiations themselves and the outcome. Given that much of the detail remained to be further worked out after Good Friday, it recounts the talks held in the Autumn of 1998 and in early 1999, culminating in the agreement between the two governments establishing the implementation bodies, signed in Dublin Castle on 8 March 1999. The paper out-lines the main elements of that agreement, including the nature of the functions and structure of each of the implementation bodies, together with the common arrangements that were to apply all of them. Paper presented at the conference on “Implementing the agreement: the North-South bodies five years on”, University Industry Centre, University College Dublin, May, 27, 2005 2005-01-01T00:00:00Z http://hdl.handle.net/10197/2389 No exit? Opting out of religious and ethnic group identities in Northern Ireland Templer, Sara; Mitchell, Claire; Ganiel, Gladys This paper explores the experiences of people from evangelical Protestant backgrounds in Northern Ireland who have opted out of their religious identity. We are interested in how far it has been possible for people to leave their evangelical faith, and how this extends to a crossing of ethno-national, communal and political boundaries in Northern Ireland. Drawing on in-depth interviews conducted during 2007, the paper analyses how former evangelicals negotiate the formidable barriers to exit constructed by friends, family and wider society. Our aim is to understand more about how structure and agency operate in divided societies, including how individuals negotiate and ultimately establish alternative religious, ethnic and political identities in this context. We argue that most people remain constrained by the culture and social structure of division, and that alternative beliefs and identities remain unrepresented in a society still divided along ethno-religious lines. At the same time, we show how individuals creatively edit and reshape their identities within these boundaries. 2009-01-01T00:00:00Z http://hdl.handle.net/10197/2388 Routine divisions segregation and daily life in Northern Ireland Jarman, Neil; Bell, John In September 2008 the Institute for Conflict Research (ICR) published the findings of a seventeen-month research study funded by the Community Relation’s Council through the European Special Support Programme for Peace and Reconciliation (Hamilton et al, 2008). The primary aim of the research was to analyse the ways and means that sectarianism and segregation are sustained and extended through the routine and mundane decisions that people make in their everyday lives. This paper summarises some of the key aspects and outcomes of this research. The paper begins with a brief introductory overview of the aims and objectives of the study, and offers a brief review of the wider theoretical and methodological context of the research. The second part of the paper focuses on methodological issues involved in researching issues related to sectarianism and segregation, it discusses some of the methodological approaches utilised in the research and analyses some of the challenges encountered by the researchers during the course of the study. Finally the third second part of the paper presents some of the key findings which have been generated from the overall study and which highlights something of the developing nature of sectarianism and segregation in Northern Ireland ten years after the signing of the Agreement. Paper presented at the conference, “The Impact of Devolution on Everyday Life: 1999-2009”, Newman House, Dublin, 6 February 2009 2009-01-01T00:00:00Z http://hdl.handle.net/10197/2387 Resistance, obstruction and agenda-setting : the hidden politics of the Northern Ireland settlement McGrattan, Cillian This paper examines Ulster unionism’s responses to and its increased disaffection from political developments in Northern Ireland since the 1990s. I suggest that Ulster unionist politics and, by way of extrapolation, Northern Irish politics cannot be understood without taking into account the “soft” or “hidden” face of political power. I argue that this aspect of political dynamics has been under-researched and under-appreciated in Northern Ireland and outline an alternative narrative of the “peace process” as the product of resistance and agenda-setting activities. This changed perspective requires a re-conceptualisation of the role played by unionist politics, which are seen to embody a paradox of alienation and powerlessness operating alongside the effective prevention of specific British government and Irish nationalist policy proposals. I conclude with the suggestion that the “peace process” occurred largely despite rather than because of elite intervention. Presentation at the Annual meeting of the Specialist Group on British and Comparative Territorial Politics of the Political Studies Association of the United Kingdom, University of Oxford, January, 7-8, 2010 2009-01-01T00:00:00Z http://hdl.handle.net/10197/2386 From developmental Ireland to migration nation : immigration and shifting rules of belonging in the Republic of Ireland Fanning, Bryan This paper emphasises how post-1950s Irish developmentalism fostered the economic, social and political acceptance of large-scale immigration following EU enlargement in 2004. It argues that economic imperatives alone cannot account for the national interest case for large-scale immigration that prevailed in 2004. It examines the “rules of belonging” deemed to pertain to citizens and immigrants within the key policy documents of Irish developmental modernisation and recent key policy documents which address immigration and integration. Similar developmental expectations have been presented as applying to Irish and immigrants alike. Irish human capital expanded in a context where ongoing emigration became presented in terms of agency, choice and individual reflexivity. It again expanded considerably due to immigration. It is suggested that in the context of current economic downturn that Ireland has become radically open to migration in both directions. Paper presented at the conference “Politics, Economy and Society: Irish Developmentalism, 1958-2008”, held at University College Dublin on 12 March 2009 2009-01-01T00:00:00Z http://hdl.handle.net/10197/2374 North-South cooperation since the agreement Smyth, Peter This paper reviews the story of North-South cooperation after 1999. Because of the sensitivities associated with North-South cooperation, the initial meetings of the North/South Ministerial Council were important as much for symbolism as for practical outcomes. But as the implementation bodies established themselves, and gov-ernment departments engaged in the areas of cooperation, the possibilities offered by cooperation for mutual benefit became more apparent, and NSMC meetings assumed a different and much more meaningful character. The paper looks at the impact of the Northern Ireland Assembly’s suspension in 2002, and offers a brief look at the wider dimensions of cross-border cooperation. Paper presented at the conference on “Implementing the agreement : the North-South bodies five years on”, 27 May 2005, University Industry Centre, University College Dublin 2005-01-01T00:00:00Z http://hdl.handle.net/10197/2373 Northern Ireland : a multi-phased history of conflict, a multi-leveled process of settlement Todd, Jennifer The origins of the Northern Ireland conflict fall into three temporally distinct phases each of which creates a particular socio-structural context that defines a set of protagonists with conflicting interests, more or less defined aims, and a given temporality of conflict. Each is superimposed on the previous phases, further defining and intensifying conflict. The result is a multi-levelled conflict and a multiplicity of aims for protagonists. This provides a useful frame for explanation of the difficulties of negotiating and of implementing an agreed settlement and for assessment of the successes and failures of the 1998 settlement. 2009-01-01T00:00:00Z http://hdl.handle.net/10197/2372 Institutional change and conflict regulation : the Anglo-Irish Agreement (1985) and the mechanisms of change in Northern Ireland Todd, Jennifer The mechanisms of institutional change identified in comparative studies of industrial policy and welfare state development are also to be found in processes of intergovernmental ethnic conflict regulation. This article shows how the 1985 Anglo-Irish Agreement set in place a very thin layer of intergovernmental institutions which started an institutional momentum, opening new political opportunities, changing political expectations, and thus paving the way for the much more radical political and institutional changes that were to follow. It uses new data to show how the elites who initiated the process conceived of it and to identify the mechanisms producing change. 2009-01-01T00:00:00Z http://hdl.handle.net/10197/2371 Implementation issues and the pursuit of a settlement in Northern Ireland Coakley, John As is well known, several efforts have been made since 1973 to place relations between communities in Northern Ireland, between North and South, and between Ireland and Great Britain on a new institutional footing. These efforts have been designed to promote a conventional political approach to conflict, and to sideline paramilitarism. But translating painfully negotiated settlements into functioning political structures has been a continuing challenge. This paper explores this process, and seeks to explain the modest success of political leaders in converting ambitious blueprints into sustainable institutions. Presentation at the annual meeting of the Specialist Group on British and Comparative Territorial Politics of the Political Studies Association of the United Kingdom, University of Oxford, 7-8 January 2010 2009-01-01T00:00:00Z http://hdl.handle.net/10197/2370 Everyday Evangelicals : life in a religious subculture after the Belfast Agreement Ganiel, Gladys; Mitchell, Claire This paper examines the everyday lives of Northern Irish evangelicals since the Belfast Agreement of 1998. Drawing on more than 100 semi-structured interviews with evangelicals (conducted between 2002-2007), we explore the relationship between macro-level social and political changes and individuals’ religious change. While recognising the importance of macro-level factors in leading evangelicals to a privatisation, moderation or transformation of their faith, we argue that the importance of micro-level, subcultural factors in contributing to change has been underestimated. Thus we sketch out the main elements of a Northern Irish evangelical subculture, exploring how it has contributed to change—especially in directions we describe as converting, conserving and exiting. We conclude that a fuller understanding of individual religious change requires an appreciation of how these macro-level and micro-level factors intersect. In the context of the religiously-plural public sphere which is developing in Northern Ireland, we argue that evangelicals have more flexibility and specifically religious resources for political engagement than has been previously supposed. Paper presented at the conference, “The Impact of Devolution on Everyday Life: 1999-2009”, Newman House, Dublin, 6 February 2009 2009-01-01T00:00:00Z http://hdl.handle.net/10197/2369 Educational developmentalists divided? Patrick Cannon, Patrick Hillery and the economics of education in the early 1960's Murray, Peter The role of Patrick Cannon as a developmentalist critic of the educational status quo at the beginning of the 1960s is highlighted by Tom Garvin in Preventing the Future. Here the organisation the Headmaster of Sandymount High School led, the Federation of Lay Catholic Secondary Schools, is depicted as coming in from the bureaucratic cold as Jack Lynch brought a more activist, reformist ministerial presence into the Department of Education. But although the reforming trend continued under Lynch's successor, Patrick Hillery, Cannon and his organisation quickly found themselves operating in a very hostile environment. In 1962 the Department broke off relations with the Federation over its decision to adopt a new title while Hillery publicly accused it of blackening Ireland's name overseas in a report that applied the same economics of education approach that the Department itself was embracing in collaboration with the OECD. The catalytic effect of the OECD-linked study that produced Investment in Education is a much-celebrated episode of Ireland's modernisation. A remarkably broad cross-departmental consensus supported the initiative. Bureaucratic caution and ministerial self-preservation were set aside to allow a 'warts and all' portrait of Irish education to be painted by the study team. Special efforts were made to focus public attention on the findings of a damning report that legitimated a quickening pace of government action to increase access to an expanded, rationalised and reoriented education system. But, as well as developmentalist triumph over conservatism in the education field, there was also significant division between state and civil society developmentalists which a case study of the relationship between the secondary schools' federation led by Cannon and the Department of Education enables us to explore. Paper presented at the conference 'Politics, Economy and Society: Irish Developmentalism, 1958-2008', held at University College Dublin on 12 March 2009 2009-01-01T00:00:00Z http://hdl.handle.net/10197/2368 Between political founding and post nationalist future : the malleability of national identity in a small globally oriented state Frost, Catherine Paper prepared for the International Political Science Association conference, Santiago, Chile, July 12-16, 2009 2009-01-01T00:00:00Z http://hdl.handle.net/10197/2367 Adapting consociation to Northern Ireland Coakley, John This paper looks at the concept of consociational government (or the principle of fully-fledged power sharing) as it has evolved in recent comparative studies of the politics of divided societies. It describes the stages through which this concept moved to the centre of the political agenda in Northern Ireland, based on contributions by policy makers, academics, journalists and others. It reviews the difficult history of efforts to translate this principle into practice, noting the challenge posed by strong political cultural resistance to any principle other than the majoritarian, Westminister model. It looks at the stages by which powerful objections to consociation—in particular from unionists—gave way to a more matter-of-fact acceptance of this principle, and considers the factors which lay behind this transition. Presentation at the conference “Breaking patterns of conflict: the Irish state, the British dimension and the Northern Ireland conflict”, Institute for British-Irish Studies, University College Dublin, 12 March 2010 2010-03-12T00:00:00Z http://hdl.handle.net/10197/2366 Trajectories of identity change : explaining the persistence of collective opposition Todd, Jennifer This article explores the micro-level mechanisms that reproduce collective opposition. It uses a typology of identity change to compare individual narratives in two situations where there are strong incentives to change and different outcomes: religious distinction in post-conflict Northern Ireland where opposition continues and in contemporary Southern France where it is rapidly diminishing. The directions of identity change are parallel in each case, but in Northern Ireland change is experienced as crisis-ridden and prone to reversal. The mechanisms hindering change are not 'ethnic' but cultural-cognitive: the socio-symbolic context requires that change be radical if it is not to be reversible. ` 2009-02-12T00:00:00Z http://hdl.handle.net/10197/2365 The future of north-south cooperation Ahern, Bertie This paper emphasises the central role of the Good Friday Agreement as the continuing blueprint for future political developments. The North-South bodies established under its auspices have worked quietly but efficiently for the good of all, North and South. Both parts of the island contribute to the work of the bodies, and both parts gain from it. The work of the bodies is complemented by other initiatives in North-South cooperation. Indeed, long-term economic planning implies the need to consider the whole island for purposes of infrastructural planning. There have been difficulties in the political process, but the common ground achieved by parties as diverse as the Democratic Unionist Party and Sinn Féin is more remarkable than the set of issues that divides them, and suggests a potential for positive political development in the longer term. Presented at 'Implementing the agreement: the North-South bodies five years on. Institute for British-Irish studies, University College Dublin, 27 May, 2005 2005-01-01T00:00:00Z http://hdl.handle.net/10197/2364 Sunningdale : an agreement too soon? Farren, Sean This paper looks at the circumstances lying behind the Sunningdale agreement of 1973, and at the factors associated with its collapse. It argues that the agreement represented significant gains for the nationalist side, and that the unionist leadership was unable to persuade its supporters that it represented gains for them too. Since the most obvious immediate costs were borne by the unionist side, it was there that the brunt of the difficulties in implementing the agreement had to be borne. The agreement thus proved incapable of surviving in the long term: against a backdrop of continuing IRA violence, leaders of the pro-agreement unionist wing were vulnerable to pressure from the broader unionist community, resulting in the collapse of the power-sharing executive in May 1974 following the Ulster Workers’ Council strike. Paper presented at the conference “Assessing the Sunningdale Agreement”, Institute for British-Irish Studies, University College, Dublin, 15 June 2006 2007-01-01T00:00:00Z http://hdl.handle.net/10197/2363 North-south relations after the boom : the impact of the credit crunch on mutual relationships and understandings Mansergh, Martin; Donaldson, Jeffrey; Bradley, John Includes opening address by Martin Mansergh, keynote speech by Jeffrey Donaldson, and response by John Bradley. Presented at the conference, “North-South relations after the boom: the impact of the credit crunch on mutual relations and understandings”, Newman House, Dublin, 2 April 2009 2009-01-01T00:00:00Z http://hdl.handle.net/10197/2362 Equality as steady state or equality as threshold? Northern Ireland after the Good Friday (Belfast) Agreement, 1998 Todd, Jennifer One position on the regulation of ethnic conflict assumes that such conflict is in part driven by popular perceptions of ethnic injustice and can be regulated by enforcement of ethnic equality. Critics argue that such appeasement of ethnic demands rewards intransigence among ethnic leaders and congeals social divisions. This paper gives qualified support to the view that ethnic conflict can best be regulated by promoting equality between ethnic groups, but for quite different reasons than those normally put forward. I argue that in at least some cases equalisation strategies work because they provoke change in the identities and attitudes and solidarities of groups. As this occurs, the equality provisions become less useful, precisely because they are ensuring equality between inappropriate units. Equality must therefore be seen as a threshold rather than a steady state, one that it is necessary to pass in order to proceed to more participatory and indeed transformative forms of politics. 2009-01-01T00:00:00Z http://hdl.handle.net/10197/2361 Breaking with or building on the past? Reforming Irish public administration : 1958-2008 Hardiman, Niamh; MacCarthaigh, Muiris The Irish experience of public service reform provides a unique case study of institutional change and resilience, and offers new perspectives on public service reform in “Anglo-Saxon” administrative systems. The data used for this paper provides for new perspectives on how we understand a core aspect of the Irish state, and how we can conceptualise attempts to reform it. Using insights from organisational and neo-institutional theory, and drawing on data from the new Mapping the State database, this paper identifies drivers of administrative reform during the period 1958-2008 as well as key periods of institutional change that determined the trajectory of reform processes. The paper considers the effects of Irish economic reform in the late 1950s on the public administration, culminating in the work of the Public Service Organisation Review Group (1966-69). It also examines the emerging influence of market and new right ideas in the 1980s and the consequences of the application of new public management styles to Ireland. Particular attention is paid to the public service reform agenda following the Strategic Management Initiative (1994) and concludes with an analysis of the recent OECD review of the Irish public service. Paper presented at the conference “Politics, Economy and Society: Irish Developmentalism, 1958-2008”, held at University College Dublin on 12 March 2009 2009-01-01T00:00:00Z http://hdl.handle.net/10197/2360 Beyond divided territories : how changing popular understandings of public space in Northern Ireland can facilitate new identity dynamics Stevenson, Clifford The sectarian geography of Northern Ireland, whereby the majority of the population live in areas predominated by one religion or the other, is typically assumed to straightforwardly reflect the territorial identities of local residents. This conflation of place and identity neglects the role of place in actively shaping and changing the behaviours occurring within them. The present paper uses new developments in the area of social psychology to examine three case studies of place identity in Northern Ireland and explore the possibilities for change. A large scale survey of the display of flags and emblems across Northern Ireland demonstrates the extent of visible territorialisation, but also the relationship between understandings of space and the acceptability of these displays. Secondly, analysis of interviews with the Orange Order and nationalist residents concerning the Drumcree dispute illustrates how different constructions of space are used to claim and counterclaim rights to display identity. Finally analysis of media and interview accounts of the St Patrick's Day event in Belfast illustrate how new understandings of shared space can negate territorial identities and facilitate coexistence in the same place and facilitate good relations. Paper presented at the conference 'Protestant Traditions and the Paths to Peace: Beyond the Legacies of Plantation', Global Irish Institute, University College, Dublin, 9 June 2009 2010-01-01T00:00:00Z http://hdl.handle.net/10197/2359 All change but no change : can we learn the lessons from the past? Kennaway, Brian This paper looks at the broad history of Orangeism and Unionism from the beginning of the Orange tradition at the end of the seventeenth century, to the present issues facing us today at the beginning of the twenty-first century. I look at some of the major events in this period to see how they were understood then and how they are received now.[Extract from introduction] Paper presented at the conference 'Protestant Traditions and the Paths to Peace: Beyond the Legacies of Plantation', held at University College Dublin on 9 June 2009 2010-01-01T00:00:00Z http://hdl.handle.net/10197/2358 Agricultural interests and Irish trade policy over the last half-century : a tale told without recourse to heroes Barry, Frank Irish accounts of the demise of protectionist thinking in the late 1950s and early 1960s emphasise the importance of the disastrous economic performance of the 1950s and the policy learning that it engendered. Other small peripheral European economies such as Finland and Portugal also abandoned protectionism at the same time however, despite much stronger economic performances over the decade. The present paper identifies the formation of EFTA as the common underlying factor, and traces how all the subsequent twists and turns in Irish trade policy can be understood as the playing out of dominant agricultural interests. Once Ireland joined the European Community, for example, it turned protectionist again. The analysis forces one to think more carefully about the role of leadership and ideas in economic policy-making. Paper presented at the conference “Politics, Economy and Society: Irish Developmentalism, 1958-2008”, held at University College Dublin on 12 March 2009 2009-01-01T00:00:00Z http://hdl.handle.net/10197/2344 Inter and intragroup emotion and social identification : a real world study Muldoon, Orla; McNamara, Niamh; Devine, Paula; Trew, Karen J.; Dowds, Lizanne Emotion research has recently begun to focus on the relationship between social identities and group based emotion. The current paper reports on a large scale study of intra and intergroup emotions and their relationship to social identities in Northern Ireland. 1,179 respondents reported their explicit intragroup emotion, selfcategorised religion and strength of religious identity as well as four emotional responses to four visual primes related to them in their own homes. The valence of the prime and strength of identification were manipulate and measured respectively. Intragroup primes were found to be more strongly and significantly related to both identification and type of emotion expressed than intergroup primes. The results of the study are interpreted in terms of our understanding of appraisal and intergroup emotions theory and the practical implications for intergroup relations considered. Paper presented at the IBIS Annual Conference 2009 'Protestant Traditions and the Paths to Peace: Beyond the Legacies of Plantation', Global Irish Institute, University College, Dublin, 9 June 2009 2010-01-01T00:00:00Z http://hdl.handle.net/10197/2343 Fabricating economic development Brownlow, Graham This paper is concerned with the institutions of Irish economics; it is structured around two arguments each of which links to the thesis presented in Garvin’s Preventing the future (2004). Overall it will be demonstrated that Irish economics was shaped by intellectual trends experienced within economic thought globally as well as the social considerations that were peculiar to Ireland. The evidence presented indicates that firstly while Economic Development mattered to the Irish economy it did not matter for the reasons that most writers have suggested it did. It is argued for instance that much of the literature, regardless of academic discipline, presents the publication of Economic Development in 1958 as analogous to a “big bang” event in the creation of modern Ireland. However, such a “big bang” perspective misrepresents the sophistication of economic debates prior to Whitaker’s report as well as distorting the interpretation of subsequent developments. The paper secondly, by drawing on the contents of contemporary academic journals, reappraises Irish economic thinking before and after the publication of Economic Development. It is argued that an economically “liberal” approach to Keynesianism, such as that favoured by TK Whitaker and George O’Brien, lost out in the 1960s to a more interventionist approach: only later did a more liberal approach to macroeconomic policy triumph. The rival approaches to academic economics were in turn linked to wider debates on the influence of religious authorities on Irish higher education. Academic economists were particularly concerned with preserving their intellectual independence and how a shift to planning would keep decisions on resource allocation out of the reach of conservative political and religious leaders. Paper presented at the conference Politics, economy and society: Irish developmentism, 1958-2008. University College Dublin, March 12, 2009 2009-01-01T00:00:00Z http://hdl.handle.net/10197/2342 "Dublin is Just a Sunningdale Away?" : The SDLP, the Irish Government and the Sunningdale Agreement McLoughlin, P. J. This paper examines the roles played by the Irish government and more particularly Northern Ireland's Social Democratic and Labour Party (SDLP) in both the making and the breakdown of the 1973 Sunningdale agreement. It asks whether the combined efforts of the SDLP and the Irish government pushed unionist negotiators too far at Sunningdale, producing a settlement which was predetermined towards Irish reunification, and so justified loyalist claims that 'Dublin is just a Sunningdale Away'. The paper draws on recently released archival material to show how the SDLP was, to a significant degree, able to dictate Dublin's policy on Northern Ireland in the early 1970s, suggesting that this led to a uniform and highly ambitious agenda on the part of nationalist participants at the Sunningdale conference. However, it also demonstrates that this agenda was not realised, and that the deal made at Sunningdale was not, as many scholars have suggested, an unqualified success for the SDLP. Nonetheless, the paper maintains that the dynamic rhetoric and perceived momentum of Irish nationalism-orchestrated largely by the SDLP-served to distort that which was actually agreed, and in this undermined the prospects of broad unionist support for Sunningdale. Paper presented at the conference “Assessing the Sunningdale Agreement”, Institute for British-Irish Studies, University College, Dublin, 15 June 2006 2007-01-01T00:00:00Z http://hdl.handle.net/10197/2341 Amity and enmity : variety in Ulster protestant culture Buckley, Anthony D. Ulster Protestant attitudes to, for example, history, religion or territory, have been portrayed by scholars as full of animosity towards Catholics. In fact, Protestant culture, like any other, is enabling, giving people the ability to act in whatever manner seems appropriate. This paper explores the fact that, throughout Ulster's Troubles, there has been cooperation as well as conflict between the ethnic groups and that this flexibility reflects itself in the culture available to Protestants. Paper presented at the conference 'Protestant Traditions and the Paths to Peace: Beyond the Legacies of Plantation', Global Irish Institute, University College, Dublin, 9 June 2009. 2010-01-01T00:00:00Z http://hdl.handle.net/10197/2340 A "new politics" of participation? Meehan, Elizabeth M.; Mackay, Fiona This paper outlines developments in participatory politics in Northern Ireland and draws some comparisons with Scotland. The section on Northern Ireland covers traditions of civic activism which led to efforts to ensure that women activists and the voluntary and community sectors in general would be able to shape the “normalization” of politics and to continue to contribute in the new polity. In particular, it examines the fate of the Civic Forum and the role of Section 75 of the Northern Ireland Act as a form of inclusive policy-making. In making some comparisons with Scotland, the paper looks at similarities and differences in contexts, procedures/ institutions and impacts. In conclusion it identifies issues and questions that need to be addressed for there truly to be a “new politics” of participation. The paper suggests that, while high expectations in Scotland for “new politics” have been somewhat disappointed, there is evidence of some change but that the situation may be less promising in Northern Ireland. Paper presented at the conference, “The Impact of Devolution on Everyday Life: 1999-2009”, Newman House, Dublin, 6 February 2009 2009-01-01T00:00:00Z http://hdl.handle.net/10197/2265 Towards inclusive remembrance after the 'Troubles': a South African perspective Verwoerd, Wilhelm This paper is a reflection on an underlying moral dynamic of the South African Truth and Reconciliation Commission (TRC), namely inclusive moral remembrance. The TRC strove to provide an inclusive forum for many of those harmed and those responsible for harming on all sides of the conflict, in contrast to the exclusivist, ethnic remembrance characterising Afrikaner nationalist remembrance after the Anglo Boer War. Examples from the TRC process highlight the tension-filled balancing acts required to remember the horrific suffering of many, without forgetting the humanity of those responsible; to celebrate our ability to transcend the horrible, without denying a shared potential for evil. These philosophical reflections are hopefully of some relevance to current debates on these islands about appropriate, creative responses to the hurt and harming associated with the “troubles”. This is the revised text of the fourteenth annual John Henry Whyte Memorial Lecture presented at University College Dublin on 20 November 2003. 2003-01-01T00:00:00Z http://hdl.handle.net/10197/2264 The realms of practical politics : North-South co-operation on the Erne Hydro-Electric Scheme 1942-57 Kennedy, Michael From 1942 to 1957 North and South co-operated to enable the Irish Electricity Supply Board to build the most effective power plant possible on the River Erne in southern territory by ensuring that, through dredging and various civil engineering works in northern territory, the Erne lakes were able to provide sufficient water flow to power the turbines. This project offered significant attractions to interests on both sides of the border: electricity to the South, and drainage of the Erne catchment area to the North. It took from 1942 to 1950 for Dublin and Belfast to come to an agreement on the manner of co-operation over the Erne. Finally, in May 1950, parallel legislation introduced in the Dáil and in Stormont on the same day led to the Erne Drainage and Development Act which allowed the Electricity Supply Board and the Northern Ireland Ministry of Finance to sign an agreement to facilitate cooperation in September 1950. This paper argues that, for the 1940s and 1950s, and given the strongly anti-partitionist mood in Irish foreign policy, the agreement over the Erne scheme marked a major step forward for relations between Dublin and Belfast and provided a workable template for co-operation. Revised version of a paper presented at a workshop as part of the programme Mapping frontiers, plotting pathways: routes to North-South cooperation in a divided island, Newman House, University College Dublin, 17 January 2005. 2006-01-01T00:00:00Z http://hdl.handle.net/10197/2263 The political impact of secularisation in Northern Ireland Hayes, Bernadette C.; McAllister, Ian The Northern Ireland conflict has traditionally been characterized as a sectarian conflict between two monolithic religious communities, Protestant and Catholic. As a result, little attention has been devoted to the social and political differences stemming from other forms of religious identification, notably religious independents, or those who claim no religious affiliation. Using the 2002 Northern Ireland Life and Times Survey, this paper provides the most recent empirical evidence to challenge this conventional wisdom. The results suggest the existence of a small but significant group of religious independents that not only differ from the two communities in relation to their socio-demographic background but also in terms of their pragmatism on the constitutional issue. However, independents also eschew electoral politics, suggesting that until genuinely non-confessional parties emerge to represent their views, their potential to ameliorate the conflict will remain immobilised. Revised version of a paper presented at Institute for British-Irish Studies Conference “Old structures, new beliefs: religion, community and politics in contemporary Ireland,” University College Dublin, 15 May 2003. 2004-01-01T00:00:00Z http://hdl.handle.net/10197/2262 The Northern Ireland peace process and the impact of decommissioning De Chastelain, John This paper examines the impact that the decommissioning of paramilitary arms has had, and continues to have, on the Northern Ireland peace process. It selects the beginning of the paramilitary group ceasefires in 1994 as the beginning of that pro-cess, and examines how decommissioning has affected progress in it up to the present date. It looks at the involvement of the Independent Body, the International Chairmen and the Independent International Commission on Decommissioning throughout the whole period. It notes why the unionist community seeks the decommissioning of paramilitary arms as fundamental to democratic government, and why unionists regard it as the principal issue currently preventing the full implemen-tation of the Good Friday or Belfast Agreement. It looks at why the nationalist and republican community regards as equally or more important the installation of a police force attractive to all elements of the community, and the removal of those miltary structures and installations which are offensive to nationalist feelings and deemed unnecessary while the guns of the main paramilitary groups remain silent. The paper assesses that a satisfactory conclusion to decommissioning, and to the issues of policing and demilitarisation, are fundamental to the future of an inclusive government with devolved powers in Northern Ireland, with all that that implies for an end to violence and for participatory relations North and South and East and West. Paper presented to the IBIS conference “From political violence to negotiated settlement: the winding path to peace in twentieth century Ireland”, University College Dublin, 23 March 2001. 2001-01-01T00:00:00Z http://hdl.handle.net/10197/2261 The Irish border and North-South cooperation : an overview Coakley, John; O’Dowd, Liam The partition of Ireland in 1921-22 had many obvious intended consequences, but also not a few unintended ones. This paper begins by reviewing potential approaches to the analysis of the border and challenging some of the myths whose influence has been so pervasive. It continues by examining in outline the changing character of the Irish border since its creation: its creation, up to its physical appearance in 1921; its consolidation in the five decades that followed; and its steady transformation from about 1972 onwards. The paper concludes by suggesting an agenda for research in this area — one which is at once of great academic significance, but of even more vital public policy importance. First presented at the MFPP workshop no. 1, University College Dublin, 16 April 2004, and presented in revised form at workshop no. 2, Queen’s University Belfast, 1 October 2004. 2005-01-01T00:00:00Z http://hdl.handle.net/10197/2260 The changing structure of conflict in Northern Ireland and the Good Friday Agreement Todd, Jennifer This paper argues that until the early twenty-first century the Northern Ireland conflict retained an unstable triangular form (the legacy of the long-past colonial period), where the British state was inextricably imbricated in a communal conflict. By its very structures and modes of statecraft it reproduced the conflict which, by its policies, it attempted to ameliorate and manage. The Good Friday agreement changed all that. It did not resolve the conflict, although it began to create the conditions whereby this might be possible, allowing the British state to reposition itself, so that it could arbiter those aspects of the conflict which were internal and manage those which were ethno-national. In effect, the conflict moved from an unstable triangular to a stable symmetrical form of conflict management. Although the provisions of the agreement appeared to mark radical change, aspects of the older form of conflict management returned in its implementation, suggesting that the triangular structure of conflict is not yet gone. Rather than a move towards stable bi-nationalism, we may be seeing an uneven move towards an unstable multi variable form of conflict, where the communities compete for alliances and resources in a context of a multiplicity of power centres. In this respect globalisation and the changes in forms of territorial management in the archipelago may be less conducive to stability in Northern Ireland than was initially hoped. Paper presented to the IBIS conference Renovation or Revolution? New territorial politics in Ireland and the United Kingdom, University College, Dublin, 3 April 2002. 2003-01-01T00:00:00Z http://hdl.handle.net/10197/2259 Theoretical concepts of partition and the partitioning of Ireland Rankin, K. J. The circumstances concerning the partitioning of Ireland do not fit easily with patterns observed in other examples. The evolving bases of partition between 1912 and 1925 varied significantly with regard to geography, political status, and function. Also, the presence of the third party in partitions is not strictly applicable to Ireland as Britain was both an external and internal party in the Irish equation. Partition is an intrinsically abstract and simplistic blunt instrument applied on a complex mosaic of peculiarities that constitute reality. There are very few modern states that are ethnically or culturally homogenous. In this context, partition is a subjective territorial tactic that treats symptoms of historical, political, and geographical difficulties. Hence, isolating politics, economics, history, or any other single perspective for analysis is likely to yield only limited insight, as they are not isolated in reality. The paper concludes that ultimately, notwithstanding the definitions and categories of partitions that have been devised, not only is each case of partition unique but subject to differing interpretations. In this regard, Ireland is a prime example. Revised version of a paper produced at a workshop on “The impact of the border on Irish society” as part of the programme Mapping frontiers, plotting pathways: routes to North-South cooperation in a divided island, University College Dublin, 17 February 2005. 2006-01-01T00:00:00Z