http://hdl.handle.net/10197/2108 2013-05-25T03:36:38Z http://hdl.handle.net/10197/4347 Friends, strangers or countrymen? The ties between citizens as colleagues Honohan, Iseult Some analogies are better than others for understanding the ties and responsibilities between citizens of a state. Citizens are better understood as particular kinds of colleagues than as either strangers or members of close-knit communities such as family or friends. Colleagues are diverse, separate and relatively distant individuals whose involuntary interdependence as equals in a practice or institution creates common concerns; this entails special responsibilities of communication, consideration and trust, which are capable of extension beyond the immediate group. Citizens likewise are involuntarily interdependent in political practices, and have comparable concerns and obligations that are more substantial than liberal advocates of constitutional patriotism recommend. But these are distinct from and potentially more extensible than those between co-nationals sharing a common culture, which are proposed by nationalists and some communitarians. The relationship of citizens is a more valid ground for associative obligations than others apart from family and friends. 2001-03-01T00:00:00Z http://hdl.handle.net/10197/4346 Should Irish emigrants have votes? External voting in Ireland Honohan, Iseult Ireland is one of the few countries in Europe not to offer some form of suffrage to its citizens who live abroad permanently. In contrast, it has been a frontrunner in the trend towards providing more liberal voting regimes for resident noncitizens, as since 1963 it has allowed all resident for the previous six months to vote and stand in local elections. In this paper I consider the normative case for and against external voting, the current comparative context of its increasing provision among European countries, and the range of ways in which voting rights abroad combine with the extensibility of citizenship by descent abroad. Addressing the Irish case, I argue that there is no basis for a general right to vote for external citizens, but that, nonetheless, persisting connections and the rate of return migration give some reason to grant votes to first generation emigrants, if differently weighted from those of resident citizens. 2011-11-21T00:00:00Z http://hdl.handle.net/10197/4329 Courting, but not always serving: Perverted Burkeanism and the puzzle of Irish Parliamentary Cohesion Farrell, David M.; Mair, Peter; Ó Muineacháin, Séin; Wall, Matthew Paper originally prepared for Parties as Organizations and Parties as Systems, a workshop to mark the retirement of R. Kenneth Carty, UBC, Vancouver, May 19-21, 2011 2012-09-01T00:00:00Z http://hdl.handle.net/10197/4285 The Irish Experience Hardiman, Niamh 2013-06-01T00:00:00Z http://hdl.handle.net/10197/4230 The Politics of Tough Budgets – Fiscal Responses to Crisis in Ireland, Spain, Portugal, and Greece Hardiman, Niamh The global financial crisis opened large budget deficit and public debt problems in the countries of the Eurozone periphery - Greece, Ireland, Portugal, Spain. All have been required to adopt budget retrenchment measures, particulary so for the three once they entered EU-IMF loan programmes. This paper analyses the dynamics of fiscal responses to the crisis across the four cases, using the content of budget decisions and the profile of budgetary outcomes as the principal primary data. These countries provide interesting variation on several dimensions : in the origins of the crisis (with different mixes of public and private debt), in initial responses to crisis (prioritizing an expansionary or contractionary stance), in the composition of budget adjustment (revenue-raising or expenditure-cutting), and in the evolution of their budgetary stance over time. The paper uses the full resources of case study methods to examine the policy configurations that underpin commonality and variation, and to expose the elements involved in complex casual processes. This analytical strategy enables us to investigate the political economy conditions underpinning fiscal policy choices in hard times. Invited talk at The Institute for European, Russian and Eurasian Studies (IERES), Friday, April 27, 2012, Washington, DC 2012-04-27T00:00:00Z http://hdl.handle.net/10197/4229 Fiscal politics in time: pathways to fiscal consolidation, 1980-2012 Dellepiane, Sebastian; Hardiman, Niamh The comparative study of debt and fiscal consolidation has acquired a new focus in the wake of the global financial crisis. This leads us to re-evaluate the literature on fiscal consolidation that flourished during the 1980s and 1990s. The conventional approach segments episodes of fiscal change into discrete observations. We argue that this misses the dynamic features of government strategy, especially in the choices made between expenditure-based and revenue-based fiscal consolidation strategies. We propose a focus on pathways rather than episodes of adjustment, to recapture what Pierson terms 'politics in time'. A case-study approach facilitates analysis of complex causality that includes the structures of interest intermediation, the role of ideas in shaping the set of feasible policy choices, and the situation of national economies in the international political economy. We support our argument with qualitative data based on two case studies, Ireland and Greece, and with additional paired comparisons of Ireland with Britain, and Greece with Spain. 2012-12-01T00:00:00Z http://hdl.handle.net/10197/4224 The Politics of Tough Budgets: The Eurozone Periphery 2008-2011 Dellepiane, Sebastian; Hardiman, Niamh The global financial crisis opened large budget deficit and public debt problems in the countries of the Eurozone periphery –Greece, Ireland, Portugal, Spain. All have been required to adopt budget retrenchment measures, particularly so for the first three once they entered EU-­‐IMF loan programmes. This paper analyses the dynamics of fiscal responses to the crisis across the four cases, using the content of budget decisions and the profile of budgetary outcomes as the principal primary data. These countries provide interesting variation on several dimensions: in the origins of the crisis (with different mixes of public and private sector debt), in initial responses to the crisis (prioritizing an expansionary or a contractionary stance), in the composition of budget adjustment (revenue-­‐raising or expenditure-­‐cutting), and in the evolution of their budgetary stance over time. The paper uses the full resources of case study methods to examine the policy configurations that underpin commonality and variation, and to expose the elements involved in complex causal processes. This analytical strategy enables us to investigate the political economy conditions underpinning fiscal policy choices in hard times. 19th International Conference of Europeanists organized by the Council for European Studies, Boston MA, 22-24 March, 2012 2012-03-22T00:00:00Z http://hdl.handle.net/10197/4222 The politics of austerity in Ireland Hardiman, Niamh; Regan, Aidan Since the onset of the sovereign debt crisis, the crisis-stricken countries in Europe have been pushed to take drastic steps to consolidate their finances and reduce their budget deficits. Despite strong public opposition and largely damaging short-run effects, the countries have undertaken many of the internationally recommended/mandated reforms and spending cuts. In this Forum, authors from Greece, Ireland, Italy, Spain and Portugal report on the fiscal consolidation achieved in their respective countries — and the sacrifices that have made it possible. Furthermore, the authors detail what remains to be done to resolve the crisis. 2013-01-01T00:00:00Z http://hdl.handle.net/10197/3907 Representative Democracy Takes a 'Deliberative Turn' Farrell, David M. In a set of papers published in his final years, Peter Mair expressed strong and ever more urgent concerns over the state of party politics and the future of representative politics itself . The aim of this paper is to examine his thesis. I start in the next section by setting out the main points of Mair’s arguments on party and democratic failure. I next consider the question of whether the evidence supports such a perspective, or whether in fact there are signs of adaptability and change. This then leads to a discussion about the reform agenda in established representative democracies, an agenda that in a growing number of cases is bringing deliberation centre stage. Responsive or Responsible? Parties, Democracy, and Global Markets, European University Institute, Florence, September 26 - 28th 2012 2012-09-01T00:00:00Z http://hdl.handle.net/10197/2978 The international diffusion of democracy Elkink, Johan A. The idea that democracy is contagious, that democracy diffuses across the world map, is now well established among policy makers and political scientists alike. The few theoretical explanations of this phenomenon focus exclusively on the political elites. This article presents a theoretical model and accompanying computer simulation that explains the diffusion of democracy on the basis of the dynamics of public opinion and mass revolutions. On the basis of the literatures on preference falsification, cascading revolutions and the social judgment theory an agent-based simulation is developed and analyzed. The results demonstrate that the diffusion of attitudes, in combination with a cascading model of revolutions,is indeed a possible theoretical explanation of the spatial clustering of democracy. 2011-05-25T00:00:00Z http://hdl.handle.net/10197/2973 Reconsidering the claim to family reunification in migration Honohan, Iseult At a time when entrance to and residence in western states is a scarce resource, a high proportion of legal immigration is based on family reunion. It has recently been suggested that, rather than giving priority to family members, the claims of refugees should be given at least equal consideration by discriminating among family applicants by restricting admission to the immediate or nuclear family. In this paper I focus on the question why we might or might not give family reunification a high priority in admission. I first review the arguments for giving priority in admission to family members from the point of view of citizens and denizens, the state, and incomers. These include: the intrinsic value of, and right to, family life, the possibility of integration, and the agent-specific nature of the obligation. I next examine some arguments we might consider for reducing family priority in migration, namely: the inheritance of privilege, the anachronistic nature of the family, the contemporary prevalence of transnational family relationships, and the multiplier effect of family reunification. I next address the questions whether and how it might be justifiable to discriminate among family members, and if so, on what basis? I ask if restricting family reunification to immediate family is culturally discriminatory, or may run counter to the reasons we respect family life. Finally I outline some sorts of changes in current family reunification policies that may be justified on the basis of these considerations. 2009-12-01T00:00:00Z http://hdl.handle.net/10197/2883 Dealing with difference : the Republican public-private distinction Honohan, Iseult This paper discusses the best way to deal with difference in the public sphere. The liberal public-private distinction focuses on control and relegates difference to the private. It is subject to the criticism that it is exclusive, marginalizes values, and relies on a distinction between the state and civil society which cannot be systematically sustained. The republican public-private distinction is paradigmatically different; it focuses on interest, envisages plural publics, and offers the possibility of public recognition by encouraging deliberation between different moral and cultural perspectives. Thus it avoids the criticisms levelled against the liberal use, without assuming, as communitarians and cultural pluralists do, that the public realm can unproblematically replicate private values. 2000-01-01T00:00:00Z http://hdl.handle.net/10197/2876 Republican requirements for access to citizenship Honohan, Iseult This chapter considers from a republican perspective the legitimate conditions for naturalization. If citizenship is understood as membership in a self-governing community, some boundaries are justified. But citizenship may be acquired almost automatically by dint of long-term residence. Nonetheless, republican citizenship is quite demanding: it requires a capacity to communicate, an awareness of interdependence among citizens, a sense of responsibility to the wider society and an inclination to engage deliberatively with others in public debate. On a republican view, the state may promote these through civic education for all citizens, and may require language classes and participation in certain practical political exercises for applicants for citizenship. But the requirement that applicants achieve fixed standards in tests of knowledge, skills or values is not desirable. Few conditions not required of native born citizens should be required of those naturalizing, and these should be more a matter of participation than of skills or identity. 2009-01-01T00:00:00Z http://hdl.handle.net/10197/2762 Selecting Irish government ministers : an alternative pathway? Coakley, John The debate on political reform in Ireland focuses on certain clearly identified targets: the size of the Dáil, the existence of the Senate, and the electoral system, for example. This article considers an area that is rather more important for the policy making and implementation process: the quality of the government, and the mechanics of the appointment of government ministers. It draws attention to Ireland’s dependence on parliamentarians—almost unique in Europe—and reviews the constitutional and political history of the Irish system of ministerial appointments. It highlights the position in other parliamentary democracies, where ministers are not normally required to be parliamentarians; in many countries, indeed, ministers are prohibited from being parliamentarians. The article argues that a reconsideration of the dual ministerial – Dáil deputy mandate is now appropriate. 2010-12-01T00:00:00Z http://hdl.handle.net/10197/2594 Northern Ireland : from multi-phased conflict to multi-levelled settlement Todd, Jennifer The origins of the Northern Ireland conflict fall into three temporally distinct phases, each of which creates a particular socio-structural context that defines a set of protagonists with conflicting interests, more or less defined aims, and a given temporality of conflict. Each is superimposed on the previous phases, further defining and intensifying conflict. The result is a multi-levelled conflict and a multiplicity of aims for protagonists. This provides a useful frame for explanation of the difficulties of negotiating and of implementing an agreed settlement and for assessment of the successes and failures of the 1998 agreement. 2009-07-01T00:00:00Z http://hdl.handle.net/10197/2590 Does being Protestant matter? Protestants, minorities and the re-making of ethno-religious identity after the Good Friday Agreement Todd, Jennifer; Rougier, Nathalie; O'Keefe, Theresa; Cañás Bottos, Lorenzo The Good Friday Agreement of 1998 gave an opportunity to remake not just political institutions but ethno-religious distinction in Northern Ireland. This paper looks at the how individuals reconstruct their way of being Protestant in Ireland and Northern Ireland in the context of social and political change. It shows individuals renegotiating their ways of being Protestant, attempting sometimes successfully to change its socio-cultural salience, blurring ethnic boundaries, distinguishing religious and ethno-national narratives, drawing universalistic political norms from their particular religious tradition. It argues that these renegotiations are highly sensitive to the macro-political context. Changes in this context affect individuals through their changing cognitive understandings and strategic interests which, at least in this case, are as important to identification as are social solidarities. 2009-03-01T00:00:00Z http://hdl.handle.net/10197/2589 Ethnicity and religion : redefining the research agenda Todd, Jennifer; Ruane, Joseph This article maps some of the effects when ethnicity and religion overlap. Sometimes one category, with its related values and solidarity, is prioritised; this is expressed in the common view that religion is subsumed in ethnicity, and religious labels become markers of ethnic groups. Sometimes the effects are additive, each source of distinction and group solidarity strengthening the other. Sometimes there are interactive effects, with dynamic and emergent properties producing a more complex field of relationship. After tracing examples and arguing against a reductive approach, three avenues for future research are highlighted. First, mapping patterns of interrelation of ethnicity and religion in cultural distinction-making and group formation, showing the conditions and effects of each. Second, looking at the longer term historical, state and geo-political conditions for change in these relations. Third, reframing theories and concepts so better to grasp the range of ways religion and ethnicity function in social practice. 2010-03-01T00:00:00Z http://hdl.handle.net/10197/2455 Europe’s old states and the new world order Todd, Jennifer 2003-11-29T00:00:00Z http://hdl.handle.net/10197/2445 Does Ireland need a constitution commission? Coakley, John 2008-01-01T00:00:00Z http://hdl.handle.net/10197/2444 A changed Irish nationalism? The significance of the Good Friday Agreement of 1998 Ruane, Joseph; Todd, Jennifer 2003-11-28T00:00:00Z http://hdl.handle.net/10197/2435 The British state since devolution : reconfigurations and continuities Todd, Jennifer 2003-11-28T00:00:00Z http://hdl.handle.net/10197/2431 Protestant minorities in European States and nations Ruane, Joseph; Todd, Jennifer Little attention has been paid in the recent scholarly literature to Europe's old religious conflicts - particularly those that stem from the Reformation. Yet for a long time religiously informed conflict was the principal source of internal state division and the major perceived threat to state stability and security. This article looks at the institutional changes and cultural renegotiations that allowed traditional religious oppositions, rivalries and conflicts to fade in most contemporary European societies. Focusing on the Czech, French and Irish cases, it argues that neither modernisation, democratisation nor secularisation were enough to resolve deep-set tensions. The long-term resolutions involved a restructuring of polity and nation in a way consistent with minority, as well as majority, culture. In the past - and perhaps also in the present - such opportunities were rare and demanded choice, strategy and political fortune. 2009-03-01T00:00:00Z http://hdl.handle.net/10197/2430 Social transformation, collective categories and identity change Todd, Jennifer Changes in collective categories of identity are at the core of social transformation. The causal linkages between identity change, institutional change and change in modes of practice are, however, complex. Developing and adapting ideas from Pierre Bourdieu’s work, this article shows the coexistence in tension of a plurality of elements within each collective identity category. On this basis, it proposes a typology of responses at the level of identity to socio-political change. This allows an explanation of patterns of identity change in terms of wider social processes and resource distribution, while remaining open to the sense and complexity of the individual’s experience and the moments of intentionality which arise when individuals face choices as to the direction of change. The worth of the model is shown by analysis of modes of identity change in a society presently experiencing radical change in socio-political structures - post-1998 Northern Ireland. 2005-08-01T00:00:00Z http://hdl.handle.net/10197/2429 The nature of meaning of identity in Northern Ireland after the Belfast Good Friday Agreement Muldoon, Orla; Trew, Karen J.; Todd, Jennifer; Rougier, Nathalie; McLaughlin, Katrina Social identification processes can be seen as the basis of the conflict in Northern Ireland. During the conflict it can be argued that preferred social and political identities became increasingly oppositional and entrenched. This paper reviews this evidence using population level studies. It also explores trends in preferred identities since the 1998 Agreement as well as examining the patterns of preferred identity across generations with particular attention being paid to the responses of young people. In an attempt to elucidate the meaning of these identities, a series of inter-related qualitative studies that have examined constructions of national, political and religious identification are reported. These suggest a fluidity, rather than entrenchment, in post-Agreement respondents and point to the variability and complexity of identity phenomena in Northern Ireland. 2007-02-01T00:00:00Z http://hdl.handle.net/10197/2428 National identity in transition? Moving out of conflict in (Northern) Ireland Todd, Jennifer This thematic section of Nations and Nationalism starts from a question of substantive political importance: How does institutional change - in particular reforms towards ethno-national equality and the opening of borders - affect national identification in divided regions? It takes the case of Northern Ireland where a radical process of institutional change is underway. It uses new approaches to national identity to map different aspects of change and continuity – in categories of identity and in their interrelations and contents, in elite and in everyday popular identifications (for useful overviews, see Abdelal et al, 2003; Ashmore et al, 2004). It examines the trajectory of the Protestant minority in the Irish state to show possible repertoires of change. The authors look respectively at self-reported categories of identity, official discourses of identity, and popular understandings of nationality. The introduction outlines the relevance of this research to current comparative and theoretical debates. 2007-10-01T00:00:00Z http://hdl.handle.net/10197/2427 Between the devil and the deep blue sea : nationality, power and symbolic trade-offs among evangelical Protestants in contemporary Northern Ireland Mitchell, Claire; Todd, Jennifer National identity is symbolically complex configuration, with shifts of emphasis and reprioritisations of content negotiated in contexts of power. This paper shows how they occur in one post conflict situation – Northern Ireland – among some of the most extreme of national actors – evangelical Protestants. In-depth interviews reveal quite radical shifts in the content of their British identity and in their understanding of and relation to the Irish state, with implications for their future politics. The implications for understanding ethno-religious nationalism, nationality shifts and the future of Northern Ireland are drawn out. 2007-10-01T00:00:00Z http://hdl.handle.net/10197/2426 Introduction to Nationalism and Ethnic Politics special issue on political transformation and change in ethno-national identity : comparative perspectives Todd, Jennifer 2006-12-01T00:00:00Z http://hdl.handle.net/10197/2423 Path-dependence in settlement processes : explaining settlement in Northern Ireland Ruane, Joseph; Todd, Jennifer The recent literature on path dependence provides a model that can be used in explanation of ethnic conflict and settlement processes. Using Northern Ireland as a case study, this article identifies path dependent patterns of conflict embedded in long-term processes of political development whose change may interrupt these patterns. It highlights the importance of long-term state trajectories in constituting and reproducing these patterns, the generation of ‘endogenous’ processes of change and the impact of wider geopolitical processes in strengthening these. It shows how and why factors such as power, perception, networks and institutions vary in their impact on conflict and explains when they work together to produce settlement. 2007-06-01T00:00:00Z http://hdl.handle.net/10197/2417 The future of the North-South bodies Coakley, John The North-South bodies established in 1999 represent the third attempt since partition to establish a structured, formal basis for cooperation between the two parts of the island. This paper looks at the bodies from three perspectives. First, it examines the general historical background: the prehistory of Irish partition, the development of partition up to 1998, and the new system agreed at that point. Second, it provides a brief overview of the present arrangements for the North-South bodies. Third, it seeks to generalise about the future prospects of the bodies by examining the presumed long-term goals and priorities of the British and Irish governments and of the Northern Irish parties. Paper presented at the conference on “Implementing the agreement: the North-South bodies five years on” organised by the Institute for British-Irish Studies as part of the Mapping frontiers, plotting pathways programme, University Industry Centre, University College Dublin, 27 May 2005 2005-01-01T00:00:00Z http://hdl.handle.net/10197/2413 From conflict to consensus : the legacy of the Good Friday Agreement the British-Irish and European Contexts Meehan, Elizabeth M. Since the EU is relevant to the Good Friday Agreement as a whole, the paper starts by touching upon how it both facilitated the Agreement and, yet, also hindered Strand 2 (North-South relations). Strand 3 (the British-Irish context) was itself a means of overcoming obstacles in the other strands. It involved few major obstacles but the paper outlines those that there were. It discusses the British Irish Inter-Governmental Conference and the British Irish Council. It also discusses two networks that are not part of the Agreement but are part of east-west relations: the Joint Ministerial Committee system and the British Irish Inter-Parliamentary Body. In conclusion, the paper sets the Agreement in the context of the overall programme of devolution in the UK. It is argued that this, combined with the displacement of the UUP by the DUP, could either problematize Strand 3 or enhance its significance for Northern Ireland and in overall east-west relations. Paper presented at the conference “From Conflict to Consensus: The Legacy of the Good Friday Agreement”, Institute for British-Irish Studies, University College, Dublin, 3 April 2008 2009-01-01T00:00:00Z http://hdl.handle.net/10197/2411 Dublin opinions : Dublin newspapers and the crisis of the fifties Garvin, Tom Dublin journalism was well served by three national newspapers and a coterie of weeklies and irregular publications during the period 1948-1962. In this paper, the different 'takes' on the perceived crisis in the Irish economy and polity of the mid-fifties are analysed. It is concluded that the Irish Independent and the Irish Times adhered to almost identical positions of agrarian fundamentalism until very late on during this crucial decade in Ireland's political and economic development. It is also argued that the case for non-farm employment as Ireland's true future was most consistently and energetically made by the Irish Press, essentially the mouthpiece of Sean Lemass, Minister for Industry and Commerce from 1945 to 1948, 1951 to 1954, 1957 to 1959 and Taoiseach thereafter. The awareness that Ireland had to diversify economically was behind the foundation in 1949-50 of the Industrial Development Authority under the auspices of Daniel Morrissey of Fine Gael. All major parties were deeply divided on the issue of economic development. It is also concluded that the sense of a real social and cultural crisis was intense at the time, and the awareness that an old Ireland had to die that a new one might be born was strong. Keynote paper at the conference 'Politics, Economy and Society: Irish Developmentalism, 1958-2008', held at University College Dublin on 12 March 2009 2009-01-01T00:00:00Z http://hdl.handle.net/10197/2407 Horowitz's theory of ethnic party competition and the case of the Northern Ireland Social Democratic and Labour Party, 1970-1979 McLoughlin, P. J. This article uses Donald Horowitz’s theory of ethnic party competition in order to understand the development of the Northern Ireland Social Democratic and Labour Party (SDLP) during the first decade of its existence. The main contention of the article is that Horowitz’s thesis, although based primarily on observation of party competition in divided societies in Africa and Asia, is remarkably applicable to the SDLP in terms of the party’s evolution against the backdrop of the Northern Ireland conflict in the 1970s. Horowitz’s theory helps explain why the SDLP failed in its original objective of mobilizing a cross-community constituency behind a radical, reformist agenda, and instead became what Horowitz terms an “ethnically based party”, representing the interests of only one side of the political divide in Northern Ireland. 2008-10-01T00:00:00Z http://hdl.handle.net/10197/2395 Does being protestant matter? Protestants, minorities and the re-making of religious identity after the Good Friday Agreement Todd, Jennifer; Rougier, Nathalie; O'Keefe, Theresa; Cañás Bottos, Lorenzo The Good Friday Agreement of 1998 gave an opportunity to remake not just political institutions but ethno-religious distinction in Northern Ireland. This paper looks at the how individuals reconstruct their way of being Protestant in Ireland and Northern Ireland in the context of social and political change. It shows individuals renegotiating their ways of being Protestant, attempting sometimes successfully to change its socio-cultural salience, blurring ethnic boundaries, distinguishing religious and ethno-national narratives, drawing universalistic political norms from their particular religious tradition. It argues that these renegotiations are highly sensitive to the macro-political context. Changes in this context affect individuals through their changing cognitive understandings and strategic interests which, at least in this case, are as important to identification as are social solidarities. 2009-01-01T00:00:00Z http://hdl.handle.net/10197/2393 Protestant minorities in European states and nations Ruane, Joseph; Todd, Jennifer Europe’s traditional ethnic minorities and the conflicts over their place in the state and nation are the focus of continuing comparative research. In contrast, little attention is paid to Europe’s older religious conflicts, in particular those that stem from the reformation. Yet for long religiously informed conflict was the principal source of internal state division and the major perceived threat to state stability and security. This paper looks at the institutional changes and cultural renegotiations which allowed traditional religious oppositions, rivalries and conflicts to fade in most contemporary European societies. It concludes that neither modernisation, democratisation nor secularisation were enough to resolve deep-set tensions. The long-term resolutions involved a restructuring of polity and nation in a way consistent with minority, as well as majority culture. In the past – as perhaps also in the present - such opportunities were rare and demanded choice, strategy and political fortune. 2009-01-01T00:00:00Z http://hdl.handle.net/10197/2373 Northern Ireland : a multi-phased history of conflict, a multi-leveled process of settlement Todd, Jennifer The origins of the Northern Ireland conflict fall into three temporally distinct phases each of which creates a particular socio-structural context that defines a set of protagonists with conflicting interests, more or less defined aims, and a given temporality of conflict. Each is superimposed on the previous phases, further defining and intensifying conflict. The result is a multi-levelled conflict and a multiplicity of aims for protagonists. This provides a useful frame for explanation of the difficulties of negotiating and of implementing an agreed settlement and for assessment of the successes and failures of the 1998 settlement. 2009-01-01T00:00:00Z http://hdl.handle.net/10197/2372 Institutional change and conflict regulation : the Anglo-Irish Agreement (1985) and the mechanisms of change in Northern Ireland Todd, Jennifer The mechanisms of institutional change identified in comparative studies of industrial policy and welfare state development are also to be found in processes of intergovernmental ethnic conflict regulation. This article shows how the 1985 Anglo-Irish Agreement set in place a very thin layer of intergovernmental institutions which started an institutional momentum, opening new political opportunities, changing political expectations, and thus paving the way for the much more radical political and institutional changes that were to follow. It uses new data to show how the elites who initiated the process conceived of it and to identify the mechanisms producing change. 2009-01-01T00:00:00Z http://hdl.handle.net/10197/2371 Implementation issues and the pursuit of a settlement in Northern Ireland Coakley, John As is well known, several efforts have been made since 1973 to place relations between communities in Northern Ireland, between North and South, and between Ireland and Great Britain on a new institutional footing. These efforts have been designed to promote a conventional political approach to conflict, and to sideline paramilitarism. But translating painfully negotiated settlements into functioning political structures has been a continuing challenge. This paper explores this process, and seeks to explain the modest success of political leaders in converting ambitious blueprints into sustainable institutions. Presentation at the annual meeting of the Specialist Group on British and Comparative Territorial Politics of the Political Studies Association of the United Kingdom, University of Oxford, 7-8 January 2010 2009-01-01T00:00:00Z http://hdl.handle.net/10197/2367 Adapting consociation to Northern Ireland Coakley, John This paper looks at the concept of consociational government (or the principle of fully-fledged power sharing) as it has evolved in recent comparative studies of the politics of divided societies. It describes the stages through which this concept moved to the centre of the political agenda in Northern Ireland, based on contributions by policy makers, academics, journalists and others. It reviews the difficult history of efforts to translate this principle into practice, noting the challenge posed by strong political cultural resistance to any principle other than the majoritarian, Westminister model. It looks at the stages by which powerful objections to consociation—in particular from unionists—gave way to a more matter-of-fact acceptance of this principle, and considers the factors which lay behind this transition. Presentation at the conference “Breaking patterns of conflict: the Irish state, the British dimension and the Northern Ireland conflict”, Institute for British-Irish Studies, University College Dublin, 12 March 2010 2010-03-12T00:00:00Z http://hdl.handle.net/10197/2366 Trajectories of identity change : explaining the persistence of collective opposition Todd, Jennifer This article explores the micro-level mechanisms that reproduce collective opposition. It uses a typology of identity change to compare individual narratives in two situations where there are strong incentives to change and different outcomes: religious distinction in post-conflict Northern Ireland where opposition continues and in contemporary Southern France where it is rapidly diminishing. The directions of identity change are parallel in each case, but in Northern Ireland change is experienced as crisis-ridden and prone to reversal. The mechanisms hindering change are not 'ethnic' but cultural-cognitive: the socio-symbolic context requires that change be radical if it is not to be reversible. ` 2009-02-12T00:00:00Z http://hdl.handle.net/10197/2362 Equality as steady state or equality as threshold? Northern Ireland after the Good Friday (Belfast) Agreement, 1998 Todd, Jennifer One position on the regulation of ethnic conflict assumes that such conflict is in part driven by popular perceptions of ethnic injustice and can be regulated by enforcement of ethnic equality. Critics argue that such appeasement of ethnic demands rewards intransigence among ethnic leaders and congeals social divisions. This paper gives qualified support to the view that ethnic conflict can best be regulated by promoting equality between ethnic groups, but for quite different reasons than those normally put forward. I argue that in at least some cases equalisation strategies work because they provoke change in the identities and attitudes and solidarities of groups. As this occurs, the equality provisions become less useful, precisely because they are ensuring equality between inappropriate units. Equality must therefore be seen as a threshold rather than a steady state, one that it is necessary to pass in order to proceed to more participatory and indeed transformative forms of politics. 2009-01-01T00:00:00Z http://hdl.handle.net/10197/2361 Breaking with or building on the past? Reforming Irish public administration : 1958-2008 Hardiman, Niamh; MacCarthaigh, Muiris The Irish experience of public service reform provides a unique case study of institutional change and resilience, and offers new perspectives on public service reform in “Anglo-Saxon” administrative systems. The data used for this paper provides for new perspectives on how we understand a core aspect of the Irish state, and how we can conceptualise attempts to reform it. Using insights from organisational and neo-institutional theory, and drawing on data from the new Mapping the State database, this paper identifies drivers of administrative reform during the period 1958-2008 as well as key periods of institutional change that determined the trajectory of reform processes. The paper considers the effects of Irish economic reform in the late 1950s on the public administration, culminating in the work of the Public Service Organisation Review Group (1966-69). It also examines the emerging influence of market and new right ideas in the 1980s and the consequences of the application of new public management styles to Ireland. Particular attention is paid to the public service reform agenda following the Strategic Management Initiative (1994) and concludes with an analysis of the recent OECD review of the Irish public service. Paper presented at the conference “Politics, Economy and Society: Irish Developmentalism, 1958-2008”, held at University College Dublin on 12 March 2009 2009-01-01T00:00:00Z http://hdl.handle.net/10197/2349 Trajectories of identity change new perspectives on ethnicity, nationality and identity in Ireland Todd, Jennifer The cultural social sciences work at the point of intersection of social structure, institutional change and change in mass public perceptions and collective identities. They look for the links between power relations, collective action and social and symbolic boundaries. Marx theorized this for class relations. The most exciting area of the cultural social sciences today, however, is ethnicity, where some of the insights developed in class analysis are used to look at the constitution of ethnic categories and collectivities and the ways the categories of ethnicity and nationality are embodied, manipulated, strategically adapted, and transmitted. 2007-01-01T00:00:00Z http://hdl.handle.net/10197/2348 Symbolic complexity and political division : the changing role of religion in Northern Ireland Todd, Jennifer Religious distinctions, ethnic oppositions and national differences intersect in Northern Ireland. In this article I explore how this symbolic complexity has fed political conflict. I argue the institutional structure of Northern Ireland encouraged the generalisation of religiously-informed values across the fields of ethnicity and politics which in turn feed back to tighten and constrain available religious repertoires. The recent process of institutional reform has interrupted this process. While this is only one factor which contributes to the reproduction of conflict, it allows us to make sense of otherwise paradoxical features of everyday division in Northern Ireland, and to explain the seemingly inchoate processes of change in the post-1998 period. 2010-03-01T00:00:00Z http://hdl.handle.net/10197/2347 "Humespeak" : the SDLP, political discourse, and the Northern Ireland peace process McLoughlin, P. J. This paper explores the vital role played by the Social Democratic and Labour Party (SDLP) in the formulation of a new political discourse and conceptual approach to the Northern Ireland problem. In particular, it shows how John Hume, party leader through the 1980s and 1990s, helped to propagate this discourse, and in doing so influenced policy-making in London and Dublin, and thinking within the republican movement. Although the paper emphasises the importance of this influence, it concludes by considering the reasons why the Ulster unionist community have remained so unreceptive to the political discourse of Hume and the SDLP. 2008-01-01T00:00:00Z http://hdl.handle.net/10197/2346 Reiterating national identities : the European Union conception of conflict resolution in Northern Ireland Hayward, Katy The Haagerup Report commissioned by the European Parliament in 1984 was the first major initiative taken by the European Union on the situation of conflict in Northern Ireland. It embodied a conceptualisation of the conflict as between two national identities defined in relation to the Irish border. The EU’s self-ascribed role towards a settlement in Northern Ireland since that time has followed this vein by supporting the peaceful expression of British and Irish identities rather than reconstructing them or creating alternatives. This nation-based approach is encapsulated in the 1998 Good Friday Agreement between the governments of the UK and Ireland and political parties in Northern Ireland. Through detailed analysis of the Haagerup Report in the light of the peace process in Northern Ireland as a whole, this article assesses the implications of conceptualising Northern Ireland as a clash of national identities for resolution of the conflict and argues for a subsequent reconsideration of the EU’s role in conflict resolution. 2006-09-01T00:00:00Z http://hdl.handle.net/10197/2345 Fluid or frozen? Choice and change in ethno-national identification in contemporary Northern Ireland Todd, Jennifer; O'Keefe, Theresa; Rougier, Nathalie; Cañás Bottos, Lorenzo This article works with in-depth interviews from research projects in Northern Ireland to show different processes of choice and change in national identity. It argues that situational variation in identity is quite compatible with unchanging and oppositional forms of identity. Significant identity change is possible but uncommon, it requires incentives and resources, and it is more likely to occur in conflict generating than in conflict resolving directions 2006-12-01T00:00:00Z http://hdl.handle.net/10197/2340 A "new politics" of participation? Meehan, Elizabeth M.; Mackay, Fiona This paper outlines developments in participatory politics in Northern Ireland and draws some comparisons with Scotland. The section on Northern Ireland covers traditions of civic activism which led to efforts to ensure that women activists and the voluntary and community sectors in general would be able to shape the “normalization” of politics and to continue to contribute in the new polity. In particular, it examines the fate of the Civic Forum and the role of Section 75 of the Northern Ireland Act as a form of inclusive policy-making. In making some comparisons with Scotland, the paper looks at similarities and differences in contexts, procedures/ institutions and impacts. In conclusion it identifies issues and questions that need to be addressed for there truly to be a “new politics” of participation. The paper suggests that, while high expectations in Scotland for “new politics” have been somewhat disappointed, there is evidence of some change but that the situation may be less promising in Northern Ireland. Paper presented at the conference, “The Impact of Devolution on Everyday Life: 1999-2009”, Newman House, Dublin, 6 February 2009 2009-01-01T00:00:00Z http://hdl.handle.net/10197/2337 A politics of transition in Britain, France and Spain Todd, Jennifer; Mandeville, Anne; Ruane, Joseph The decade of the 1990s saw the beginning of a new phase of globalisation and continuing European integration, the collapse of socialism and the triumph of neo-liberalism, the mainstreaming of cultural postmodernism and the intensification of identity politics. It was a period of transition in political institutions, demands and expectations. The political discourse associated with these changes was radical: this was a global age, hybrid, regionalist, postnationalist, and above all 'new'. But just how radical were the political changes, and did they signal a new convergence across European states? This book is a study of the changing forms of the state, and in particular of changing centre- periphery relations, in Britain, France and Spain. It analyses the character and extent of the changes and their causes and consequences, not just territorially but also institutionally in the area of policing. It identifies the degree of convergence in the three states. 2003-09-29T00:00:00Z http://hdl.handle.net/10197/2261 The Irish border and North-South cooperation : an overview Coakley, John; O’Dowd, Liam The partition of Ireland in 1921-22 had many obvious intended consequences, but also not a few unintended ones. This paper begins by reviewing potential approaches to the analysis of the border and challenging some of the myths whose influence has been so pervasive. It continues by examining in outline the changing character of the Irish border since its creation: its creation, up to its physical appearance in 1921; its consolidation in the five decades that followed; and its steady transformation from about 1972 onwards. The paper concludes by suggesting an agenda for research in this area — one which is at once of great academic significance, but of even more vital public policy importance. First presented at the MFPP workshop no. 1, University College Dublin, 16 April 2004, and presented in revised form at workshop no. 2, Queen’s University Belfast, 1 October 2004. 2005-01-01T00:00:00Z http://hdl.handle.net/10197/2243 The operation of the North-South implementation bodies Coakley, John; Ó Caoindealbháin, Brian; Wilson, Robin This paper examines the functioning of the North-South implementation bodies formally created in 1999 over the first five years of their existence. It reviews the political and administrative difficulties that delayed their establishment as functioning institutions, and notes the different pace at which they have consequently evolved. It reviews the performance of each body to date, and assesses the extent to which the body has responded to the issue it was designed to resolve. MRevised version of a paper presented at a workshop at Queen’s University, Belfast, 23 September 2005, as part of the programme Mapping frontiers, plotting pathways: routes to North-South cooperation in a divided island 2006-01-01T00:00:00Z